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1 


THE  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE 

FOR 

A  WARLESS  WORLD 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

NEW  YORK  •  BOSTON  •  CHICAGO  •  DALLAS 
ATLANTA  •  SAN  FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  Limited 

LONDON  •  BOMBAY  •  CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OP  CANADA,  Ltd. 

TORONTO 


THE  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE 

FOR 


A  WARLESS  WORLD 


BY 

SIDNEY  L.  GULICK, 

SECRETARY,  COMMISSION  ON  INTERNATIONAL  JUSTICE  AND 
GOODWILL,  FEDERAL  COUNCIL  OF  THE  CHURCHES 
OF  CHRIST  IN  AMERICA 


jReto  gotfe 

THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

1922 


All  rights  reserved 


PRINTED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 


Copyright,  1922, 

By  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


Set  up  and  printed.  Published  September,  1922. 


Press  of 

J.  J.  Little  &  Ives  Company 
New  York,  U.  S.  A. 


INTERNATIONAL  IDEALS 
OF  THE  CHURCHES  OF  CHRIST1 


1.  WE  BELIEVE  that  nations  no  less  than  individuals  are 
subject  to  God’s  immutable  moral  laws. 

2.  WE  BELIEVE  that  nations  achieve  true  welfare,  great¬ 
ness  and  honor  only  through  just  dealing  and  unselfish 
service. 

3.  WE  BELIEVE  that  nations  that  regard  themselves  as 
Christian  have  special  international  obligations. 

4.  WE  BELIEVE  that  the  spirit  of  Christian  brotherliness 
can  remove  every  unjust  barrier  of  trade,  color,  creed  and 
race. 

5.  WE  BELIEVE  that  CHRISTIAN  patriotism  demands 
the  practice  of  good-will  between  nations. 

6.  WE  BELIEVE  that  international  policies  should  secure 
equal  justice  for  all  races. 

7.  WE  BELIEVE  that  all  nations  should  associate  them¬ 
selves  permanently  for  world  peace  and  good-will. 

8.  WE  BELIEVE  in  international  law,  and  in  the  uni¬ 
versal  use  of  international  courts  of  justice  and  boards  of 
arbitration. 

9.  WE  BELIEVE  in  a  sweeping  reduction  of  armaments  by 
all  nations. 

10.  WE  BELIEVE  in  a  warless  world,  and  dedicate  our¬ 
selves  to  its  achievement. 

1  Adopted,  December,  1921,  by  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches 
of  Christ  in  America. 


t 


FOREWORD 


“If  the  churches  of  Europe  and  America  allow  that  to 
fructify/’  said  Lloyd  George  in  speaking  a  few  weeks  ago 
about  the  danger  of  another  war,  “they  had  better  close 
their  doors.”  “Better  close  their  doors,”  for  we  camiot 
hope  that  the  Christian  gospel  of  brotherhood  will  come 
to  men  with  any  compelling  power  unless  we  can  find 
some  way  to  make  it  a  reality  in  the  relation  of  nations 
to  each  other  and  can  prevent  that  utter  denial  of  brother¬ 
hood  which  we  now  see  war  to  be. 

Convinced  that  the  churches  of  America  face  no  sterner 
challenge  than  to  create  a  public  opinion  that  will  abolish 
war  and  build,  up  international  cooperation  in  the  main¬ 
tenance  of  permanent  peace,  the  Federal  Council  of  the 
Churches  of  Christ  in  America,  through  its  Commission 
on  International  Justice  and  Goodwill,  issues  this  appeal 
for  a  “Christian  Crusade  for  a  Warless  World.”  The 
volume  is  planned  especially  for  use  as  a  course  of  study  in 
Churches,  Sunday  Schools,  Young  Peoples’  Societies, 
Christian  Associations  and  other  groups  that  desire  to 
face  seriously  the  responsibility  of  the  Churches  in  this 
momentous  issue. 

The  theoretical  questions  of  “pacifism,”  this  book  does 
not  discuss.  It  urges,  rather,  that  all  Christian  men  and 
women  everywhere,  whatever  their  views  as  to  participa¬ 
tion  in  some  future  war  which  may  burst  upon  us,  shall 
unitedly  concentrate  their  efforts  on  the  present  task  of 
outlawing  war  by  building  up  a  positive  substitute  for  it 
through  international  agencies  for  the  settlement  of  all 
disputes.  If  this  can  be  done  Christians  will  not  have  to 
be  confronted  again  with  the  alternative  either  of  joining 

vii 


FOREWORD 


•  •  • 
vm 

in  organized  murder^  under  the  name  of  war,  or  else  of 
holding  aloof  from  a  conflict  in  which  vital  issues  are  at 
stake.  -i 

This  study  has  been  prepared  by  Dr.  Gulick  in  con¬ 
nection  with  his  work  as  Secretary  of  the  Federal  Council’s 
Commission  on  International  Justice  and  Goodwill.  It 
is  presented  to  the  Churches  in  the  hope  that  it  may  play 
a  part  in  helping  them  to  engage  more  effectively  in  the 
Christian  Crusade  for  a  Warless  World. 

Commission  on  International  Justice  and  Goodwill 
Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America. 


INTRODUCTION 


Mankind  is  on  the  inarch.  It  has  entered  a  new  era  in 
its  history.  Are  we  moving  toward  a  better  world?  Or 
are  we  preparing  for  another  catastrophe?  The  answer 
depends  on  the  seriousness  with  which  the  nations  strive  to 
learn  the  lessons  of  the  Great  War. 

That  War  (begun  August  1,  1914)  came  to  an  end 
November  11,  1918.  It  was  followed  by  the  Peace  Con¬ 
ference  at  Paris  which  continued  for  about  six  months 
and  resulted  in  the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  June  28,  1919. 
The  United  States  refused  to  ratify  that  Treaty  and  de¬ 
clined  to  become  a  member  of  the  League  of  Nations. 
This  organization  of  fifty-one  nations  held  its  first  meeting 
January  10,  1921.  The  Permanent  Court  of  International 
Justice  was  formally  opened  February  15,  1922.  The 
Conference  on  Limitation  of  Armament  was  held  in  Wash¬ 
ington  November  11,  1921 — February  6,  1922.  It  re¬ 
sulted  in  six  treaties  dealing  with  the  Peace  of  the  Pacific 
and  the  competitive  race  of  five  great  nations  in  their  naval 
building  programs. 

These  many  epochal  events  have  carried  the  world 
out  of  the  old  into  a  new  era.  The  relations  of  the  nations 
can  never  again  be  what  they  were  before  1914.  Forces 
of  incalculable  significance  have  been  released.  Prodi¬ 
gious,  irreparable  wrongs  have  been  committed;  corre¬ 
sponding  fears,  suspicions  and  hatreds  between  peoples 
and  races  have  been  engendered ;  new  nations  have  sprung 
into  being ;  enormous  financial  burdens  have  been  incurred 
that  must  be  borne  for  scores  of  years  to  come ;  industrial 
and  commercial  disturbances  have  wrought  havoc  to  the 
income  of  hundreds  of  millions  of  workers;  and,  above 
all,  we  have  elaborated  new  means  of  destruction  of  un¬ 
imaginable  power,  the  further  development  of  which  stag- 


X 


INTRODUCTION 


gers  our  minds  as  we  try  to  think  what  may  overtake  us 
all  should  another  war  break  out  among  the  civilized 
nations. 

We  now,  however,  have  a  period  of  grace  in  which  we 
may,  if  we  choose,  reflect  on  our  recent  experiences  and 
learn,  if  we  will,  the  lessons  they  should  teach  us.  We 
are  now  relatively  free  from  the  excitements  of  war  time 
duties  and  of  war  time  psychology — those  great  disturbers 
of  sane  and  wholesome  thought.  We  may  now  examine 
dispassionately  the  essentials  of  our  Christian  ideals  as 
they  bear  on  international  life,  and  as  a  nation  among 
the  nations  we  may  determine  our  Christian  duties. 

But  a  new  danger  is  facing  us :  the  danger  of  apathy  and 
indifference  to  the  opportunities  and  demands  of  the  hour. 
The  widespread  sense  of  international  responsibility,  so 
manifest  and  active  during  the  Washington  Conference, 
has  subsided.  Many  are  feeling  that  America’s  interna¬ 
tional  duties  are  questions  for  the  Administration  and  for 
Congress  to  handle;  that  we,  the  people,  need  not  worry 
nor  concern  ourselves  about  them.  It  was,  however,  just 
this  attitude  on  the  part  of  millions  of  good  people  in  all 
the  countries  of  Europe  before  the  war;  this  absence  of 
consciousness  of  responsibility  for  international  policies; 
this  willingness  to  leave  to  a  few  men  in  positions  of  high 
trust  the  authority  to  decide  those  policies  and  to  adopt 
those  fateful  decisions  for  the  nations,  that  made  it  pos¬ 
sible  for  the  monster  of  war  to  break  loose  in  1914. 

What  the  world  now  needs,  what  each  nation  needs,  is 
a  well-informed,  well-balanced  and  well-organized  public 
opinion  which  will  require  the  statesmen  in  every  country 
to  carry  out  international  policies  of  righteousness,  justice, 
mutual  helpfulness  and  good-will.  For  the  creation  of 
such  a  public  opinion,  there  should  be  nation-wide  cam¬ 
paigns  of  education,  by  which  all  classes  of  citizens  may 
gain  the  needed  information,  secure  the  necessary  view¬ 
points  and  develop  the  proper  spirit.  First  of  all  they 
need  to  know  the  modern  world  as  it  really  is ;  they  should 


INTRODUCTION 


xi 


understand  how  deep  and  subtle  are  the  causes  of  war ;  and 
they  should  see  clearly  the  practicable  ways  by  which  to 
remove  those  causes.  In  this  campaign  ways  should  be 
found  by  which  to  banish  deep-rooted  prejudice,  suspicions 
and  ill-will,  and  to  create  a  spirit  of  brotherliness  and  con¬ 
fidence  toward  men  of  other  lands  and  races.  A  substitute 
for  war  as  a  method  of  settling  international  differences 
should  be  earnestly  sought,  and  the  desire  for  co-operation 
in  establishing  the  essential  international  institutions  of 
peace  should  be  intelligently  cultivated.  The  war  demon 
can  be  vanquished  only  when  millions  of  men  devote  their 
energy,  their  brains,  their  time,  to  the  establishment  of 
world  justice  and  the  maintenance  of  world  peace,  even 
as  they  have  in  past  ages  devoted  their  energies  to  prepa¬ 
rations  for  war  and  to  war. 

The  time  has  come  for  a  Christian  Crusade  for  a  War¬ 
less  World.  To  succeed  it  must  be  more  than  emotionally 
enthusiastic;  it  must  be  thoroughly  intelligent.  We  begin 
this  discussion,  then,  with  a  brief  study  of  our  modem 
world,  to  which  our  first  chapter  is  devoted.  Chapters  II 
to  VII  will  study  the  ideals  that  will  create  the  Warless 
World,  as  they  have  been  formulated  in  the  statement 
adopted  by  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ 
in  America.  In  Chapters  VIII  and  IX  we  shall  study  some 
concrete  tasks  to  be  accomplished,  as  illustrations  of  the 
way  in  which  our  ideals  are  to  be  applied.  The  crusading 
spirit  that  is  to  inspire  us  is  considered  in  Chapter  X, 
while  a  number  of  practical  suggestions  as  to  procedure 
and  questions  for  use  in  study  groups,  with  a  brief  Bibliog¬ 
raphy,  are  placed  in  the  Appendix. 

A  Warless  World — when  it  comes — will  be  a  great 
moral  achievement;  the  greatest  and  most  noble  since  the 
dawn  of  history.  But  it  can  come  only  when  certain  great 
ideals  are  clearly  recognized  and  practiced.  Beneath  all 
our  efforts  must  lie  fundamental  moral  convictions  and 
spiritual  principles  to  inspire  national  action  and  to  guide 
us  to  our  goal. 


V 


a 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 


INTRODUCTION . ix 

CHAPTER 

I  The  Modern  Necessity  for  a  Warless  World  3 


II  Ideals  That  Will  Create  a  Warless  World  15 

1.  GocPs  Immutable  Moral  Laws  ....  15 

2.  True  Welfare,  Greatness  and  Honor  .  .  22 

3.  Special  International  Obligations  ...  27 

III  Ideals  That  Will  Create  a  Warless  World  33 

4.  Removal  of  Unjust  Barriers  of  Trade, 

Color,  Creed  and  Race . 33 

IV  Ideals  That  Will  Create  a  Warless  World  45 

5.  Christian  Patriotism . 45 

6.  Equal  Justice  for  All  Races  ....  54 

V  Ideals  That  Will  Create  a  Warless  World  63 

7.  An  International  Association  ....  63 

VI  Ideals  That  Will  Create  a  Warless  World  75 

8.  International  Law,  Courts  of  Justice  and 

Boards  of  Arbitration . 75 

VII  Ideals  That  Will  Create  a  Warless  World  85 

9.  A  Sweeping  Reduction  of  Armaments  .  85 

10.  A  Warless  World . 91 

VIII  Some  Concrete  Tasks  in  Working  Toward  a 

Warless  World . 99 

1.  The  Mexican  Question . 100 


xm 


XIV 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

2.  The  Treaty  Rights  of  Aliens  ....  105 

3.  The  Immigration  Question  ....  109 

IX  Some  Concrete  Tasks  in  Working  Toward  a 

Wakless  World . 121 

4.  Keeping  Faith  with  China . 121 

5.  Right  Treatment  of  Japanese  in  America  130 

X  The  Christian  Crusade  for  a  Warless 


World . 139 

APPENDIX 

I  What  to  Do . 153 

II  Declaration  of  Rights  and  Duties  of  Na¬ 
tions  . 165 

III  Striking  Quotations . 167 

IV  Suggestive  Questions  for  Leaders  of  Dis¬ 

cussion  Groups . 174 


Y  Societies  and  Organizations  in  the  United 
States  Promoting  International  Under¬ 
standing  and  Good-will . 190 


VI  Bibliography 


194 


THE  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE 

FOE 

A  WARLESS  WORLD 


CHAPTER  I 

The  Modern  Necessity  for  a  Warless  World 


“If  we  do  not  destroy  War,  War  will  destroy  us.” 

— Lord  Bryce. 


THE  MODERN  NECESSITY  FOR  A  WAKLESS 

WORLD 


The  world  from  which  war  is  to  be  banished  is  not  the 
world  of  1800  or  even  of  1900.  If  we  conceive  the  world 
of  today  in  the  terms  of  the  last  century,  all  our  efforts, 
however  sincere  and  earnest,  will  be  fruitless.  As  well 
hope  for  naval  victory  in  1925,  relying  on  the  single- 
turreted  monitors  of  1863  as  to  expect  success  in  establish¬ 
ing  universal  peace  in  1925  by  the  limited  programs  of  a 
generation  ago.  Inadequate  then,  they  are  still  more 
inadequate  now.  Certain  outstanding  characteristics  of 
the  present  day  make  the  campaign  for  a  Warless  World 
more  imperative  than  our  grandfathers  could  have 
imagined. 

First  of  all,  we  have  become  giants.  Our  deeds  are 
becoming  gigantic.  The  sky  above  and  the  sea  beneath 
have  both  been  invaded,  if  not  yet  conquered.  The  mys¬ 
teries  of  matter  are  being  revealed ;  unlimited  latent  forces 
stored  up  in  the  chemical  constitution  of  matter  are  being 
released;  unheard  of  substances  of  undreamed  utility  are 
being  made.  Energy  beyond  estimation  has  been  brought 
under  human  control.  It  performs  man’s  work  and  carries 
his  thought  through  space.  Transportation  and  communi¬ 
cation  by  land  and  sea  and  air  have  made  more  progress 
in  the  last  century  than  in  all  preceding  human  history. 
Our  mastery  of  nature  has  practically  abolished  terrestrial 
space  and  all  the  physical  barriers  to  human  intercourse. 
Oceans  no  longer  separate,  they  connect.  We  accomplish 
in  a  few  days  or  even  hours  what  our  forefathers  needed 
weeks  or  months  to  do.  Steam  and  electricity  have  made 
the  entire  inhabited  globe  as  accessible  today  as  a  single 
province  of  France  wa§  to  Napoleon. 


4  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


All  these  inventions  and  these  acquisitions  of  power 
can  be  used  either  in  the  promotion  of  human  welfare  or 
in  the  achievement  of  selfish  and  destructive  ends.  And 
in  proportion  to  the  good  they  are  capable  of  producing  are 
the  possibilities  of  evil  through  misuse.  The  unparalleled 
destruction  of  the  European  conflict  was  due  to  the  appli¬ 
cation  for  purposes  of  war  of  the  very  inventions  and  dis¬ 
coveries  that  had  in  them  vast  blessings  for  humanity. 

These  features  of  our  new  era  have  introduced  into 
modern  life  factors  of  enormous  international  significance. 
Races  and  nations  long  isolated  are  now  face  to  face.  Asia 
and  Africa  are  at  our  front  door.  No  nation  can  be  iso¬ 
lated.  No  longer  is  war  the  limited  affair  that  it  was  in 
other  centuries. 

All  ancient  civilizations  lived  on  the  ragged  edge  of 
famine.  Practically  the  entire  population  of  each  land 
was  engaged  in  raising  food,  but  produced  barely  enough 
for  the  actual  needs  of  the  people.  Modem  science  and 
machinery,  however,  enable  a  minority  to  raise,  manu¬ 
facture  and  distribute  the  needed  food,  clothing  and  tools 
for  entire  nations.  The  toil  of  the  majority,  accordingly, 
is  now  turned  to  the  development  of  the  instruments  and 
the  wealth  of  civilization,  so  that  these  have  been  accumu¬ 
lating  at  an  increasing  rate.  Ancient  civilizations  were 
also  ever  subject  to  decimating  disease.  Epidemics  and 
warfare  kept  down  the  population.  By  its  discovery,  how¬ 
ever,  of  specific  remedies  for  many  disease,  by  its  surgery, 
hygiene  and  care  of  children,  and  by  its  extended  areas  of 
good  government  and  freedom  from  devastating  interne¬ 
cine  war,  modem  civilization  has  removed  ancient  checks 
on  growing  population.  This  vastly  multiplied  wealth 
and  this  increasing  population  have  potent  bearings  on 
warfare.  It  is  now  possible  to  remove  from  productive 
industry  large  proportions  of  men  in  the  prime  of  life 
and  still  provide  food  and  clothing  for  the  people  and  the 
colossal  armies  of  modem  times. 


MODERN  NECESSITY  FOR  WARLESS  WORLD  5 


In  these  and  other  ways  modern  civilization  makes  pos¬ 
sible  the  assembling,  organizing,  arming,  feeding,  train¬ 
ing  and  handling  of  our  huge  armies.  Never  in  history 
has  it  been  possible  for  even  the  greatest  military  genius 
to  do  what  every  nation  in  Europe  has  recently  done.  It  is 
no  longer  merely  armies  that  fight  but  entire  nations. 

Modern  civilization  has  likewise  developed  the  instru¬ 
ments  and  technique  of  warfare  to  such  a  degree  of  intri¬ 
cacy  that  only  prolonged  specialized  training  can  give  pro¬ 
ficiency  in  their  use.  Standing  armies,  therefore,  have 
become  not  only  possible  but  necessary.  The  wealth  of 
the  present  age,  moreover,  makes  possible  the  manufacture 
of  enormously  expensive  weapons.  The  actual  cost  of 
modern  methods  of  warfare  are  beyond  the  powers  of  the 
mind  to  grasp.  A  few  figures,  however,  will  indicate  the 
stupendous  resources  poured  into  military  and  naval  chan¬ 
nels,  and  the  almost  incredible  losses  that  resulted. 

1.  America’s  Expenditures  for  the  Great  War 
(Reiley:  “Disarmament,”  p.  29) 


Military  Cost  .  $24,010,000,000 

Extra  Expenses  of  Government .  4,500,000,000 

Civilian  Damages  .  2,400,000,000 

Government  Loans  to  European  Nations .  9,760,000,000 

Other  Expenses  .  3,503,948,225 


$44,173,948,225 


2.  The  Cost  of  the  War  to  All  Nations 
^“Direct  and  Indirect  Costs  of  the  World  War”;  E.  L.  Bogart) 


Direct  Costs,  officially  reported . $186,000,000,000 

Capitalized  Value  of  Lives  Destroyed .  67,102,552,560 

Loss  to  Neutral  Nations .  2,750,000,000 

Other  Estimated  Costs .  99,339,167,255 


$355,291,719,815 


6  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


3.  Human  Costs  of  the  War 
(Bogart:  “Direct  and  Indirect  Costs  of  the  War,”  pp.  274-282) 


Soldiers  killed  . .  12,990,571 

Civilians  killed  and  died  through  causes  due  di¬ 
rectly  to  the  war  (estimated)  .  13,000,000 


Total  .  25,990,571 


4.  Costs  of  Previous  Wars 
(Irwin:  “The  Next  War,”  p.  89.  “Disarmament,”  p.  30) 

Men  Killed:  Nine  Big  Wars,  1790-1913 .  4,449,000 

Money  Cost  of  Wars  between  1793  and  1910. .  .  $23,000,000,000 

5.  National  Debt. 

(Irwin:  “The  Next  War,”  p.  85) 

1913  1920 

U.  S.  A .  $1,028,000,000  $24,974,000,000  * 


Great  Britain .  3,485,000,000  39,314,000,000 

France  .  6,346,000,000  46,025,000,000 


6.  Personal  Incomes  and  Government  Revenues 

(“Treaties  and  Resolutions,”  p.  52,  published  by  the  Federal  Trade 

Information  Service) 


Personal  Incomes  Government  Revenues 
(per  Capita)  (per  Capita) 


1913 

1920 

1913 

1920 

U.  S.  A . . 

$364. 

$730. 

$  7.50 

$70.00 

Great  Britain. 

234. 

416. 

19.00 

100.00 

F ranee  . 

185. 

239. 

22.00 

34.00 

Canada  . 

180. 

335. 

17.00 

33.00 

Germany . 

149. 

72. 

8.00 

11.00 

Italy . 

110. 

88. 

14.00 

12.00 

7.  Conditions  Since  the  Armistice 
(“Treaties  and  Resolutions,”  pp.  46-50) 


Army  and  Navy  1920-21 

France  .  $  357,940,000 

Great  Britain .  1,081,244,000 


*  According  to  the  figures  of  the  U.  S.  Treasury,  the  debt  June  30. 
1922  was  $22,963,000,000. 


MODERN  NECESSITY  FOR  WARLESS  WORLD  7 


II*  S  *  A  .  « •  •  •  .  .  .  . . .  . . .  .  •  •  •  •  •  . . .  . . .  •  •  • 
35  Other  Nations  . 


Total  38  Nations  . 

38  Nations  in  three  years  since  the 

Armistice  . 

Number  of  Men  in  Active  Land  Forces 

in  57  Countries  (1920)  f . 

Number  of  men  who  might  be  called 
(1920)  to  the  Colors  in  Countries  hav¬ 
ing  compulsory  Military  Service  .... 

The  development  of  modern  science  and  education  makes 
possible  a  unification  of  national  and  racial  self-conscious¬ 
ness  never  before  attainable.  In  a  land  equipped  with  tele¬ 
graphic  service  and  with  newspapers,  where  every  adult 
reads  the  daily  paper,  practically  the  entire  nation  thinks 
the  same  thoughts  at  the  same  time,  and  develops  a  unity 
of  thought  and  emotion,  and  thus  a  power  for  national 
action,  unparalleled  in  ancient  times.  It  is  easier  for 
America,  with  its  four  million  square  miles  and  more  than 
a  hundred  million  people,  to  know  the  latest  news  and  to 
act  as  a  unit  than  it  was  for  Attica  with  its  fifteen  hun¬ 
dred  square  miles  and  a  population  of  a  hundred  thou¬ 
sand. 

This  increase  of  national  unity,  self-consciousness  and 
patriotism  is  true  of  every  race  and  people  affected  by 
modern  civilization.  Turkey,  Egypt,  Japan,  India  and 
China  are  all  rapidly  sweeping  into  the  circle  of  the  nations 
adopting  the  tools  and  technique  developed  in  Christen¬ 
dom.  They  are  accordingly  experiencing  the  consequent 
changes  of  mind  and  heart  and  will.  Never  before  in  his¬ 
tory  were  there  so  many  strongly  self-conscious  and  ambi¬ 
tious  nations  and  races.  Never  was  any  ancient  or  medie¬ 
val  people  so  completely  unified,  organized  and  centralized 
as  are  all  modern  nations. 

*  Including  Russia  and  Mexico  ($700,000)  and  China  ($115,460,000). 
t  Including  Russia  (600,000)  and  China  (1,000,000). 


1,751,989,000 
2,076,867,000  * 

$5,268,040,000 

$20,000,000,000 

7,566,500 

250,000,000 


8  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


The  factors  that  have  made  the  great  nations  greater 
and  stronger  with  every  passing  decade  have  also  been  pro¬ 
moting  fresh  life  among  peoples  overwhelmed  in  the  tur¬ 
moils  of  past  race  conflicts.  Rising  intelligence,  wealth, 
unity,  ambition,  are  characteristics  of  every  racial  group. 
Long  submerged  and  relatively  silent  peoples  are  taking 
on  new  life  and  demanding  new  rights  and  privileges.  Old 
supremacies  are  accordingly  disputed.  Those  in  power, 
however,  usually  resent  the  efforts  of  subject  races  to  secure 
independence  or  even  autonomy.  No  more  significant  fea¬ 
ture  characterizes  modern  politics  than  the  rise  of  democ¬ 
racy  in  many  lands  and  the  demand  for  “self-determina¬ 
tion”  by  many  small  subject  groups. 

The  modern  awakening  of  Asia,  moreover,  is  an  event  of 
incalculable  significance  in  human  history.  First  Japan 
entered  the  current  of  Occidental  civilization,  and  now 
China  is  following.  Mighty  moral,  social,  economic  and 
political  movements  are  started  in  India,  due  to  the  im¬ 
pact  of  Occidental  civilization.  Christendom  is  learning 
that  it  can  no  longer  ignore  Asia,  even  as  Asia  has  found 
that  she  cannot  ignore  Christendom.  What  happens  in 
China  and  J apan  and  Siberia  and  India  is  of  vital  signifi¬ 
cance  to  Europe.  The  long-asserted  and  unquestioned 
world  supremacy  of  the  Caucasian  races  is  beginning  to  be 
questioned  and  contested.  Will  the  West  seek  to  maintain 
that  supremacy  by  bare  military  might  or  by  righteous 
dealing?  The  problem  of  world-peace  is  thus  not  one 
that  depends  alone  on  the  relations  of  the  nations  of  Chris¬ 
tendom  to  one  another.  It  includes  as  well  the  nations  of 
every  land.  The  Asiatic  factor  is  bound  to  be  of  increas¬ 
ing  importance. 

Side  by  side  with  the  rise  of  national  consciousness  and 
demand  for  independence  we  should  also  note  a  growing 
interdependence.  Each  nation  is  being  bound  to  all  by 
innumerable  cords  of  common  concern  and  growing  resemb¬ 
lance.  Commerce  is  joining  all  lands  together  with  chains 


MODERN  NECESSITY  FOR  WARLESS  WORLD  9 


of  gold.  Universal  education  in  the  sciences,  history 
and  philosophy,  is  producing  an  international  mind.  Postal 
communication,  cables  and  wireless,  with  the  daily  press, 
carry  the  world’s  news  to  almost  every  hamlet  of  the  earth. 
Religious,  racial  and  cultural  barriers  are  breaking  down. 
Common  ideals  and  standards  and  efforts  are  arising.  The 
“international  mind”  is  not  confined  to  America  and 
Europe ;  it  is  developing  all  over  the  Orient  as  well.  The 
result  of  this  vast  amount  of  common  experience,  produc¬ 
ing  common  reactions,  common  ambitions,  common  mo¬ 
tives,  is  that  the  differences  between  nations,  races  and  civi¬ 
lizations  are  vanishing  with  amazing  speed.  A  common 
international  life  is  rapidly  arising,  but  not  without  hav¬ 
ing  to  contend  at  every  point  with  the  opposing  national¬ 
istic  movements  already  noted. 

The  Washington  Conference  on  Limitation  of  Arma¬ 
ment  was  a  welcome  sign  and  an  important  factor  in  bring¬ 
ing  in  the  new  era.  By  its  agreements  we  see  a  forward 
step  in  the  turning  of  nations  from  war  to  law ;  from  brute 
force  to  reason  in  the  settlement  of  international  disputes. 
In  the  scrapping  of  mighty  battleships,  existing  and  poten¬ 
tial,  by  three  great  naval  powers,  upon  which  hundreds  of 
millions  of  dollars  had  already  been  expended;  in  the 
promise  of  five  nations  to  keep  their  capital  ships  to  certain 
carefully  defined  dimensions  and  tonnage;  in  the  agree¬ 
ment  of  four  nations  to  enter  at  once  into  conference  when¬ 
ever  during  the  next  ten  years  ominous  difficulties  develop 
with  respect  to  their  “Island  possessions”  in  the  Pacific; 
in  the  plans  of  nine  nations  to  apply  general  principles  of 
equity  and  good-will  in  their  relations  to  China ;  in  all  these 
matters  lovers  of  a  Warless  World  see  signs  of  promise  and 
encouragement. 

The  saving  to  America  by  the  reduced  naval  program 
made  possible  by  the  Washington  Conference  has  been 
calculated  by  experts  and  published  by  the  Federal  Trade 
Information  Service  in  its  pamphlet  entitled  “Treaties  and 


10  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


Resolutions”  (p.  56).  Condensed  and  given  in  tabular 
form  the  estimates  are  as  follows: 

Saving  of  “Maintenance”  in  15  years  ($70,000,000 


annually),  plus  interest .  $2,089,490,548 

Saving  due  to  scrapping  of  13  Capital  Ships  un¬ 
der  construction  in  1921  .  347,084,790 

Saving  on  Dockyards,  15  years .  200,000,000 

Saving  on  increased  cost  of  New  Ships  of  in¬ 
creased  size,  had  there  been  no  agreement  as 
to  tonnage,  during  15  years .  2,322,419,035 


Total  .  $4,958,994,373 


But  the  Washington  Conference  was  only  a  start  in  the 
right  direction.  Its  achievement  must  not  he  overesti¬ 
mated.  It  left  unsolved  many  serious  problems.  Though 
poison-gas  warfare  is  forbidden  between  the  nine  nations 
signing  the  treaty,  more  than  two  score  nations  have  as 
yet  made  no  pledges,  and  vast  preparations  for  gas  war¬ 
fare  are  still  being  made  even  by  those  nations  that  signed 
the  compact.  No  limit  was  placed  on  the  numbers  and 
size  of  submarines  and  certain  other  auxiliary  vessels. 
Airplane  warfare  was  recognized  as  just  barely  begun, 
and  no  nation  was  ready  to  condemn  this  new  weapon  of 
destruction. 

Still  more  significant  for  men  of  thought  was  the  latent 
war-psychology  of  the  “peace  conference”  at  Washington. 
The  war  method  as  the  final  resort  for  settling  inter¬ 
national  disputes  was  not  fundamentally  questioned.  No 
substitute  was  proposed  or  suggested.  Even  when  nine 
great  nations  were  planning  methods  for  curtailing  ex¬ 
penses  for  war  preparations,  mutual  suspicions,  misunder¬ 
standings  and  animosities  frequently  revealed  themselves, 
though  veiled  in  courteous  language. 

The  New  World  which  man  has  created  imperatively 
demands  the  complete  abandonment  of  war  as  a  means  for 
settling  international  disputes.  The  Great  War  showed 
what  destruction  man  can  already  cause,  and  forces  antici- 


MODERN  NECESSITY  FOR  WARLESS  WORLD  11 


pations  of  still  more  destructive  ability  with  every  new 
decade.  Modern  civilized  nations  face  inconceivable  calam¬ 
ities  if  the  military  system  of  the  nations  is  continued. 
The  experience  of  the  nations  challenges  us  to  find  some 
other  way  for  settling  international  disputes.  Religion — 
the  religion  of  Jesus  at  least — demands  the  absolute  aboli¬ 
tion  of  war,  for  it  is  the  complete  denial  of  brotherhood. 
Reason  and  religion  alike  declare  that  war  must  be  no 
more. 


/ 


CHAPTER  II 

Ideals  That  Will  Create  a  Warless  World 

1.  God’s  Immutable  Moral  Laws 

2.  True  Welfare,  Greatness  and  Honor 

3.  Christian  International  Obligations 


( 


“I  have  lived,  sir,  a  long  time,  and  the  longer  I  live  the 
more  convincing  proof  I  see  of  this  truth — that  God  governs  the 
affairs  of  men.” 


— Benjamin  Franklin. 


IDEALS  THAT  WILL  CREATE  A  WARLESS 

WORLD 


1.  We  believe  that  nations  no  less  than  individuals  are 
subject  to  God's  immutable  moral  laws. 

When  the  Lusitania  was  sunk  at  2  p.  m.,  May  7,  1915, 
nearly  twelve  hundred  persons  perished.  That  mighty 
ocean  liner  had  voyaged  three  thousand  miles  in  safety 
and  was  nearing  her  port.  A  German  submarine,  lying 
in  wait,  fired  the  torpedo  that  hit  the  mark,  and  in  less 
than  twenty  minutes  all  was  over.  But  that  twenty- 
minute  tragedy  roused  the  moral  indignation  of  100,000,- 
000  people  and  made  certain  America’s  entry  into  the 
World  War. 

In  every  step  of  that  tragedy  the  immutable  laws  of 
God  were  at  work,  the  laws  of  physics  and  hydraulics,  of 
chemistry  and  astronomy,  of  psychology  and  ethics.  The 
building  and  floating  of  that  palace  of  iron,  the  steam  ma¬ 
chinery  that  drove  it  those  thousands  of  miles,  the  miracles 
of  invention  and  ingenuity  that  created  the  submarine,  the 
marvelous  mechanism  of  the  torpedo,  and  its  terrible  explo¬ 
sive  power,  and  finally  the  horror  and  indignation  that 
swept  America,  all  conformed  in  every  detail  to  the  im¬ 
mutable  laws  of  God. 

This  is  indeed  a  universe  of  law.  Natural  law  rules 
the  physical  world.  Moral  and  spiritual  laws  obtain  in 
the  realm  of  human  life.  Every  wind  that  blows,  every 
sparrow  that  flies,  every  crested  wave  that  tosses  its  foam 
into  the  air,  every  star  that  sends  its  shaft  of  light  through 
trillions  of  miles  of  darkness  to  register  itself  for  a  brief 
moment  in  the  eye  of  a  careless  observer,  every  event  from 
the  least  to  the  greatest  in  every  part  of  this  limitness  uni- 

15  " 


16  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


verse  takes  place  in  accordance  with  rational  principles 
and  immutable  laws.  Some  we  already  know.  Some  we 
hope  to  know.  This  hope  is  faith,  to  he  sure,  not  knowl¬ 
edge  ;  but  it  is  the  faith  of  all  modern  men,  trained  in  the 
schools  of  modern  science.  Nothing  merely  “happens” ; 
nothing  exists  by  mere  chance  or  blind  fate;  everything 
that  is,  is  the  product  of  a  rational  process. 

This  is  a  world,  moreover,  in  which  every  event  is  at 
once  an  effect  and  also  a  cause.  Nothing  takes  place  but 
has  its  appropriate  antecedents  and  its  normal  consequents. 
If  a  farmer  plants  wheat  he  reaps  a  crop  of  wheat.  Pota¬ 
toes  yield  potatoes  and  barley  gives  him  barley.  The  boy 
who  steadily  tells  the  truth  will  be  trusted ;  while  he  whose 
habit  is  to  tell  the  truth  only  when  convenient  and  imme¬ 
diately  advantageous  will  in  time  find  a  harvest  of  dis¬ 
trust.  “Whatsoever  a  man  soweth,  that  shall  he  also  reap,” 
is  no  arbitrary  rule  established  merely  for  the  punishment 
of  evildoers.  It  is  a  general  principle  working  also  to  the 
advantage  of  the  good.  It  brings  beneficent  results  to 
loyal,  upright  and  brotherly  men  in  relations  of  fellow¬ 
ship  and  friendships,  though  it  also  brings  disastrous  conse¬ 
quences  to  selfish,  disloyal,  untruthful  and  unbrotherly 
men.  In  all  this  Christian  faith  discerns  the  working  of 
that  Eternal  Righteous  Will  that  lies  at  the  heart  of  the 
universe  and  that  we  call  God.  In  discovering  the  laws 
of  nature  and  of  human  experience  man  is  discovering  the 
mind  and  the  will  of  God,  supremely  revealed  to  us  in 
Jesus  Christ. 

That  the  life  of  the  individual  man  is  subject  to  God’s 
moral  law  has  long  been  widely  accepted,  though  many 
men  and  women  give  the  matter  little  serious  thought.  We 
have  been  coming  also  to  see  that  the  principle  is  no  less 
true  of  the  relation  of  social  groups  to  each  other;  and 
that  we  can  have  a  happy  and  prosperous  society  only  as 
the  laws  of  God  for  social  relationships  are  understood 
and  followed. 

Modern  society,  by  the  very  nature  of  our  civilization, 


IDEALS  FOE  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


17 


has  developed  extraordinary  class  specialization.  Car¬ 
penters,  masons,  plumbers,  farmers,  engineers,  printers, 
tailors,  actors,  ministers,  teachers,  carmen,  miners,  sailors ; 
myriads  of  distinct  occupations  give  to  each  group  a  distinc¬ 
tive  group  character.  There  is,  moreover,  an  outstanding 
distinction  of  employer  and  employee.  This  fact  of  classes 
in  society  is  an  ancient  fact;  but  never  before  were  there 
so  many  classes  and  subclasses  as  today.  And  never  before 
was  the  welfare  of  the  whole  of  society  so  intimately 
dependent  on  each  class  faithfully  performing  its  part 
and  observing  the  moral  principles  of  social  life.  The 
unrest  and  disorder  so  widely  prevalent  today  is  due 
in  large  measure  to  the  disregard  of  important  socio¬ 
moral  laws  by  so  many  individuals  and  groups  in  our 
society. 

The  first  plank  in  our  international  creed  carries  one 
step  further  the  same  general  principle.  It  asserts  the 
same  reality  of  moral  law  in  the  relations  of  nations  that 
has  long  been  seen  to  hold  in  individual  and  in  social  life. 
It  is  as  true  of  nations  as  of  individuals  that  “the  wages 
of  sin  is  death.”  Whatsoever  a  nation  sows  it  will  also 
reap.  Thou  shalt  not  steal ;  thou  shalt  not  kill ;  thou  shalt 
not  bear  false  witness  against  thy  neighbor ;  are  moral  laws 
that  apply  to  nations  no  less  than  to  individuals. 

The  existence  of  more  or  less  compact  and  largely  inde¬ 
pendent  groups  of  men  which  we  call  nations  is  a  fact  of 
enormous  significance  in  human  history.  These  aggrega¬ 
tions  of  human  beings,  feeling  keenly  their  kinship,  have 
come  into  existence  because  of  geographical  barriers  that 
have  interfered  with  wide  intercourse,  with  continuous 
intermarriage,  and  with  the  interplay  of  economic  forces. 
Each  group,  living  practically  by  itself,  developed  its  own 
food  supplies,  its  own  social  customs  of  every  kind,  its 
own  language  and  its  own  ideals  of  values  and  pleasures. 
Through  isolation  they  lost  their  sense  of  kinship,  of  com¬ 
mon  needs,  interests  and  responsibilities.  Mutual  igno¬ 
rance,  misunderstandings  and  prejudices  developed.  Each 


18  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


has  sought  to  maintain  its  separate  existence  and  to  secure 
its  own  private  interests  of  one  kind  or  another.  Each 
has  thought  of  the  rest  as  fair  game  for  plunder.  Hence 
came  wars.  Human  history  is  largely  a  record  of  fratri¬ 
cidal  strife.  Wrongs  followed  wrongs.  Revenge  brought 
revenge,  cruelty  and  repeated  retaliation. 

To  appreciate  this  long  history  of  a  warring  world, 
due  emphasis  must  be  placed  upon  the  factor  of  geographi¬ 
cal  barriers.  These  have  been  the  chief  conditioning  causes 
producing  national  groups ;  the  chief  races,  languages  and 
cultures  and  the  sixty  or  more  distinct  states  or  govern¬ 
ments  that  have  political  dealings  with  each  other.  The 
physical,  climatic  and  other  external  conditions  of  the 
life  of  each  group  have  had  enormous  effect  in  determin¬ 
ing  their  physical  characteristics,  their  habits,  their 
thoughts  and  their  higher  developments.  Long  continued, 
close  interbreeding  of  relatively  small  groups  of  men  have 
produced  many  types,  many  forms  and  many  appearances 
of  men,  as  well  as  many  varieties  of  language  and 
customs,  arts,  morals  and  religions,  all  interplaying  with 
each  other  to  produce  the  distinctive  culture  of  each 
group. 

Individuals  reared  in  one  group  feel  strange  and  un¬ 
happy  if  by  accident  or  by  force  they  are  separated  from 
it.  Loyalty  of  all  individuals  to  the  group  in  which  they 
were  horn  and  reared  is  one  of  the  striking  facts  in  human 
history  that  lie  deep  when  we  search  for  the  causes  of  a 
warring  world.  All  men  love  liberty ;  liberty,  namely,  to 
live  the  life  to  which  they  have  become  accustomed  from 
infancy,  free  from  the  constraint  or  external  compulsion 
of  an  alien  people,  language  and  culture. 

Modern  civilization,  however,  has  completely  vanquished 
the  harriers  of  rivers,  mountains,  seas  and  oceans.  Nations 
and  races  are  now  face  to  face  as  never  before  in  history. 
They  are  rapidlj  intermixing.  Their  interests  and  wel¬ 
fare  are,  in  fact,  inextricably  conjoined.  They  have  be¬ 
come  vitally  interdependent.  Yet  the  harriers  of  mind  and 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


19 


heart,  of  race  and  color,  ignorance  and  prejudice,  language 
and  culture,  trade  and  religion,  still  prevail,  leading  to  ill- 
will,  deep  and  bitter,  to  haughty  arrogance  and  to  many 
injustices.  Those  who  seek  a  Warless  World  should  study 
with  care  these  facts  of  the  modern  world.  For  these  are 
the  elemental  factors  out  of  which  wars  spring.  To  banish 
war  from  the  world  of  men,  some  force  must  be  found 
able  to  overcome  the  barriers  of  the  spirit,  to  conquer  the 
prejudices  of  creed  and  color,  to  banish  the  spirit  of  selfish¬ 
ness  in  trade,  and  to  abolish  the  aggressive  ambitions  of 
nations  to  rule,  dominate,  and  exploit. 

Now  our  Christian  international  ideals  affirm  the  domi¬ 
nation  even  over  nations  of  God’s  moral  laws.  They 
declare  that  in  their  organized  group  life  men  are  moral 
agents ;  that  their  prosperity  or  their  disaster  depends  upon 
their  moral  conduct  in  relation  with  other  nations  and 
races. 

History  is  full  of  the  records  of  nations  that  once 
flourished  and  then  perished.  They  perished  because  they 
violated  in  one  way  or  another  God’s  immutable  laws; 
some  physical,  some  hygienic,  some  political,  some  moral. 
In  many  cases,  no  doubt,  they  did  not  know  that  they 
were  violating  the  laws  of  God,  but  transgression  brought 
its  inevitable  result  just  as  truly  as  in  the  case  of  millions 
of  men  who  have  innocently  perished  because  they  were 
ignorant  of  God’s  immutable  laws  of  health. 

Some  writers  have  flatly  denied  that  moral  laws  have 
any  application  to  nations.  As  between  nations  the  only 
laws  that  hold,  they  insist,  are  the  laws  of  force,  the  laws 
of  economic  and  of  military  power.  Law,  they  explain,  is 
an  expression  of  will,  and  since  there  is  nothing  higher 
than  a  nation  it  is  sovereign  and  therefore  free  to  do  what 
it  chooses  within  the  limits  of  its  physical  power.  aThe 
State  can  do  no  wrong”  and  “might  makes  right”  are  two 
of  the  common  phrases  that  express  this  idea.  Professor 
Treitschke  expressed  these  ideas  in  trenchant  form  when 
in  his  “Politik”  he  declared : 


20  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


“The  end  all  and  be  all  of  a  State  is  power.” 

“The  State’s  highest  moral  duty  is  to  increase  its  power.” 

“The  State  is  justified  in  making  conquests  whenever  its  own 
advantage  seems  to  require  additional  territory.” 

“The  State  is  the  sole  judge  of  the  morality  of  its  action.  It 
is  in  fact  above  morality.  .  .  .  Whatever  is  necessary  is  moral. 
.  .  .  Treaty  rights  are  never  absolute  rights;  they  are  of  hu¬ 
man  origin.  ...  In  this  case,  infringement  of  the  rights  ap¬ 
pears  morally  justifiable.” 

“In  fact,  the  State  is  a  law  unto  itself.  Weak  nations  have 
not  the  same  right  to  live  as  powerful  and  vigorous  nations.” 

Similar  quotations  in  large  number  can  be  made  not 
only  from  other  German  writers  but  from  militaristic 
writers  in  every  land.  Even  in  America  certain  writers 
have  expressed  substantially  the  same  views.  aWorld 
Empire,”  said  the  Seven  Seas  in  1915,  “is  the  only  logical 
and  natural  aim  of  a  nation.  .  .  .  Pacifism  is  the  mascu¬ 
line  and  humanitarianism  is  the  feminine  manifestation 
of  national  degeneracy.  It  is  the  absolute  right  of  a  nation 
to  live  to  its  fullest  intensity,  to  expand,  to  found  colonies, 
to  get  richer  and  richer  by  any  proper  means,  such  as 
armed  conquest,  commerce  and  diplomacy.” 

“All  nations  are  and  must  be  selfish,”  wrote  the  Wash¬ 
ington  Herald  in  1916.  “Bombs  and  dollars  are  the  only 
things  that  count  today.  We  have  plenty  of  one.  Let  us 
lay  in  a  good  supply  of  the  other  and  blast  a  path  to  world 
leadership  as  soon  as  an  opportunity  presents  itself.” 

“We  desire  to  be  a  great  nation  and  to  have  our  ‘place 
in  the  sun’.  .  .  .  Our  aspirations  in  this  respect  are  not 
a  whit  different  from  those  that  Germany  has  published 
broadcast  to  the  world.”  1 

“The  survival  of  the  fittest”  has  been  interpreted  as 
equivalent  to  “the  survival  of  the  strongest”  and  this  has 
been  understood  in  a  purely  physical  sense.  Darwin’s 
teaching  has  been  distorted  and  then  appealed  to  in  support 

1  “Library  of  Christian  Co-operation,”  Vol.  Ill,  p.  143,  issued  by 
the  Federal  Council  of  Churches,  1916. 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


21 


of  a  doctrine  of  national  selfishness,  greed  and  aggression. 
Underlying  this  “power  politics”  has  been  a  grossly  mate¬ 
rialistic  interpretation  of  life  and  the  universe. 

Such  interpretations  fail,  however,  to  note  that  even 
from  the  lower  standpoint  of  mere  military  power,  prac¬ 
tice  of  the  moral  law  and  obedience  to  moral  ideals  are  im¬ 
portant  factors  of  power,  while  violations  of  the  plain  prin¬ 
ciples  of  international  morality  are  patent  sources  of  weak¬ 
ness.  Illustrations  of  these  principles  abound  in  history, 
both  ancient  and  modern.  Nations  lay  up  for  themselves 
wrath  and  condemnation  from  their  neighbors  in  the  day 
of  their  defeat,  for  deeds  of  selfishness,  duplicity  and 
aggression.  But  the  point  here  emphasized  is  the  fact  that 
the  acts  of  nations — of  our  own  nation — are  subject  to 
God’s  moral  laws;  immutable;  unescapable.  This  is  a 
moral  universe  and  nations  inevitably  secure  advantages 
or  bring  down  disasters  according  to  the  character  of  their 
conduct  as  nations. 

It  behooves  every  citizen,  therefore,  to  inquire  diligently 
about  the  moral  aspect  of  his  Government’s  international 
behavior.  It  is  indeed  the  highest  patriotism  so  to  do. 
Not  a  few  of  America’s  recent  international  acts  unques¬ 
tionably  stand  the  test  of  close  scrutiny  from  this  moral 
standpoint.  The  return  to  China  of  the  surplus  “Boxer 
Indemnity” ;  and  to  J apan  of  the  “Shimonoseki  Indem¬ 
nity”  ;  the  generosity  of  millions  of  Americans  in  helping 
to  feed  and  care  for  Armenian  orphans;  the  personal  and 
national  relief  for  the  famine  sufferers  of  Russia,  and  the 
similar  relief  for  the  famine  sufferers  of  China  in  1920; 
these  acts  of  our  people  and  government  conform  clearly 
and  nobly  to  our  moral  ideals. 

But  how  about  our  national  behavior  toward  Mexico 
seventy  years  ago  and  toward  Haiti  and  Santo  Domingo 
at  present?  Can  we  satisfactorily  explain  our  long-con¬ 
tinued  violation  of  our  treaty  with  China  which  promises 
to  give  Chinese  in  this  country  “most  favored  nation” 
treatment?  Does  our  treatment  of  Japanese  conform  to 


22  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


the  Golden  Rule?  Are  we  justified  in  our  failure  to 
co-operate  in  the  Commissions  established  by  the  League 
of  Nations  for  the  suppression  of  the  traffic  in  women  and 
children;  in  opium;  in  liquor;  and  in  arms  to  backward 
nations?  What  do  we  mean  when  we  shout  “America 
first”  ?  Is  the  spirit  expressed,  Christian  ?  Is  there  in  it 
something  of  the  same  selfish  animus  that  finds  expression 
in  “Deutschland  ilber  alles,  uber  alles  in  der  WeltV’ 

Such  are  some  of  the  questions  that  need  to  be  carefully 
considered  when  one  realizes  that  “nations  no  less  than 
individuals  are  subject  to  God’s  immutable  moral  laws.” 

2.  We  believe  that  nations  achieve  true  welfare,  greatness 
and  honor  only  through  just  dealing  and  unselfish 
service. 

The  popular  ideals  of  national  greatness,  honor  and  wel¬ 
fare  are  quite  contrary  to  this  declaration  of  our  inter¬ 
national  creed.  In  the  popular  mind  greatness  depends  on 
bigness ;  honor  springs  from  great  military  power ;  welfare 
comes  from  wealth.  These  popular  ideas  and  ideals  are 
quite  natural.  They  have  been  the  ideals  of  all  the  pagan 
powers  of  pre-Christian  and  un-Christian  ages.  To  them 
the  greatest  display  of  glory  lay  in  golden  crowns  and 
purple  robes ;  in  vast  retinues  of  followers  and  slaves ;  in 
countless  processions  of  soldiers ;  and  in  millions  of  servile 
subjects.  Such  was  the  pomp  and  pride  of  the  kings  and 
emperors  of  Egypt  and  Babylon  and  Rome.  And  though 
this  ancient  ideal  has  been  slowly  undermined  by  centuries 
of  Christian  teaching  as  to  the  intrinsic  worth  and  dignity 
of  man,  and  although  slavery  has  been  banished  from  all 
civilized  lands,  yet  the  people  still  love  to  see  marching 
soldiers  and  demonstrations  of  military  power  and  regard 
them  as  evidences  of  a  nation’s  greatness. 

But  pagan  standards  are  passing.  Christian  peoples 
begin  to  see  how  hollow  and  meaningless,  how  dangerous 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


23 


even,  those  standards  are.  True  greatness  of  nations,  as  of 
individuals,  springs  from  character,  from  the  justness  of 
their  dealings  and  from  their  unselfish  service.  Even 
national  welfare  to  be  true  and  praiseworthy  must  be 
honest  and  just.  However  great  the  apparent  gains  of  a 
nation,  if  those  gains  have  been  secured  by  fraud  or  deceit, 
by  wanton  war  and  greedy  aggression,  by  exploitation  of 
weak  or  backward  peoples,  those  gains  are  poisoned. 

Many  are  the  illustrations  of  these  statements  that  may 
be  drawn  from  history.  The  slave  trade  that  brought 
scores  of  thousands  of  African  negroes  to  this  country 
seemed  for  a  time  to  add  to  America’s  welfare,  as  it  in¬ 
creased  the  man  power  for  much  needed  labor.  But  what 
a  curse  it  has  proved  in  the  end.  The  disaster  of  civil  war, 
the  degradation  of  the  manhood  and  womanhood  of  both 
the  master  and  the  slave,  the  continuing  menace  to  our 
democratic  government  involved  in  much  of  our  treat¬ 
ment  of  the  negro  today,  are  some  of  the  outstanding  con¬ 
sequences  of  that  fateful  sin.  There  is  still,  in  God’s  provi¬ 
dence,  room  for  repentance  and  reparation.  In  a  measure 
this  has  already  come,  since  all  slaves  have  been  set  free. 
We  have  now,  however,  to  press  on  as  a  nation  to  see  that 
in  every  possible  way  justice  shall  be  done  to  our  negro 
fellow-citizens.  Thus  may  we  redeem  the  honor  of  our 
nation.  History  is  still  in  the  making.  Nations  as  well  as 
individuals  may  turn  from  their  ways  of  selfishness  and  sin 
to  the  paths  of  righteousness. 

That  there  is  hope  for  our  nation  we  begin  to  see  when 
we  observe  the  important  work  now  being  done  in  behalf 
of  better  race  relations  by  such  organizations  as  the  Com¬ 
mission  on  Inter-Bacial  Co-operation,  with  headquarters 
in  Atlanta,  Georgia.  In  hundreds  of  counties,  towns  and 
cities  committees  of  leading  white  and  negro  citizens  have 
been  formed  for  joint  action  in  securing  justice  and  better 
community  conditions  for  the  negro.  The  Commission  on 
the  Church  and  Race  Relations  recently  established  by  the 
Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  is  undertaking  to  bring 


24  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


leading  white  and  negro  churchmen  into  co-operative  work 
in  order  to  make  the  churches  more  effective  centers  of 
influence  for  Christian  race  relations.  Other  heartening 
evidence  might  be  mentioned  to  show  that  the  United 
States  is  awaking  to  its  duty  toward  the  negro  race. 

Our  treatment  of  Asiatics  is  another  matter  that  will 
severely  test  our  national  character.  Our  true  greatness 
and  honor  and  welfare  will  depend  on  what  we  do  or  fail 
to  do  in  our  relations  with  those  mighty  nations  of  the 
Orient  in  this  time  of  their  need.  Are  we  treating  them 
justly  and  generously  ?  There  are  Americans  who  have 
only  selfish  thoughts  and  feelings  as  they  look  across  the 
Pacific  to  those  countries  of  Asia  teeming  with  peoples  of 
other  races.  Many  are  thinking  of  them  only  in  connec¬ 
tion  with  profits  in  trade  and  commercial  control.  How 
to  help  them  and  how  to  give  them  justice,  does  not  enter 
their  minds.  And  yet  these  are  the  deeds  that  will  alone 
make  us  truly  great  and  permanently  prosperous  and 
bring  us  lasting  honor. 

The  figure  of  the  knight  errant  is  the  most  picturesque 
and  most  beloved  figure  of  medieval  romance.  In  the  folk¬ 
lore  of  all  peoples  the  deed  of  magnanimity  was  sung  as  the 
highest  virtue.  The  Age  of  Chivalry  blossomed  with  the 
tales  of  valor  in  defense  of  right,  of  succor  to  the  defense¬ 
less,  of  service  rendered  without  thought  of  reward.  The 
Pound  Table  with  King  Arthur  at  its  head  has  become  the 
spiritual  heritage  of  the  race.  Cannot  the  same  code  be 
applied  in  the  modern  world  of  international  affairs  ?  The 
noblesse  oblige  of  the  strong  state  toward  the  weak;  the 
willingness  to  let  a  right  based  on  legal  technicalities  give 
way  to  larger  considerations  of  mutual  welfare;  the  pur¬ 
pose  to  seek  justice  before  prestige,  to  fulfill  duties  rather 
than  to  demand  rights — are  not  these  the  essentials  of  an 
honorable  national  life? 

China,  at  the  mercy  of  the  invading  armies  sent  to 
suppress  the  Boxer  Rebellion  (1900)  was  forced  to  pay 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


25 


large  indemnities,  not  only  to  cover  tlie  actual  losses  in¬ 
curred  by  foreigners  but  to  serve  as  “punitive  damages”  for 
her  action.  On  July  11,  1908,  our  Government  informed 
the  Chinese  Government  that  it  would  return  the  amount 
over  and  above  the  expenses  and  losses  of  the  United  States 
and  its  citizens.  This  was  an  act  unprecedented  in  diplo¬ 
matic  history,  for  the  United  States  had  a  perfect  legal 
right  to  retain  the  entire  award  without  returning  the  ex¬ 
cess  above  actual  losses.  The  Chinese  Government  ex¬ 
pressed  its  appreciation  of  the  spirit  which  had  prompted 
this  act,  and  announced  that  it  would  set  aside  the  sum  as  a 
fund  for  sending  Chinese  students  to  American  universi¬ 
ties.  One  hundred  such  students  a  year  were  sent  for  the 
first  four  years  and  since  then  fifty  of  the  best  Chinese 
students  have  come  over  every  year — a  striking  memorial 
to  our  act  of  justice  and  fair  dealing.  Twelve  hundred 
students  from  China  are  now  in  our  colleges  and  universi¬ 
ties,  the  majority  of  them  at  their  own  expense.  When 
John  Hay,  as  Secretary  of  State,  cabled  his  famous  mes¬ 
sage  about  foreign  concessions  in  China,  he  was  putting 
into  practice  the  spirit  of  the  Golden  Rule.  The  perma¬ 
nence  of  the  “open-door  policy”  is  due  largely  to  its  moral 
justification. 

So  of  our  philanthropic  aid  to  the  war-impoverished 
peoples  of  Europe  before  and  since  the  armistice.  America 
has  become  the  synonym  of  hope  to  millions  of  distressed 
Europeans.  What  we  gave  has  borne  fruit  an  hundred 
fold  in  the  hearts  of  those  who  had  almost  lost  the  desire 
or  the  will  to  live. 

A  full  reckoning  of  this  philanthropic  aid  is  not  pos¬ 
sible,  although  general  statements  from  the  principal  relief 
organizations  will  give  some  indication  of  the  vast  sums 
expended.  For  the  relief  of  the  Russian  famine  during 
the  winter,  spring  and  early  summer  of  1922,  American 
contributions,  public  and  private,  reported  by  Mr.  Hoover 
on  July  16,  1922,  aggregated  about  $50,000,000.  Expen¬ 
ditures  of  the  Hear  East  Relief  since  the  opening  of  the 


26  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


war  total  some  $70,000,000.  The  American  Friends 
Service  Committee  has  received  and  expended  in  cash 
$5,311,838  and  clothing  valued  at  about  $5,000,000  more. 
The  American  Red  Cross  reports  $264,500,000  as  the 
amount  it  has  expended  in  Europe  from  the  beginning  of 
the  war  till  June  30,  1922.  The  American  Relief  Admin¬ 
istration  reported  as  the  total  of  its  expenditure  for  chil¬ 
dren’s  relief  in  Central  Europe  for  the  fiscal  year  ending 
June  30,  1920,  the  sum  of  $18,638,426.68  and  for  1921 
the  sum  of  $14,371,094.56.  The  summary  of  the  Com¬ 
mission  for  the  Relief  of  Belgium  for  the  six  years  of  its 
operations  show  a  total  “Benevolent  Relief”  of  $170,833,- 
801.39,  and  a  “gross  purchase  and  sale  of  foods  and  cloth¬ 
ing  of  upwards  of  $1,300,000,000.”  By  this  aid  about  one 
half  of  the  population  of  Belgium  were  saved  from  star¬ 
vation.  In  his  address  before  the  U.  S.  Chamber  of  Com¬ 
merce  (May  16,  1922)  annual  convention  Mr.  Hoover 
stated  that  since  the  armistice,  American  charity  to  Eu¬ 
rope  has  exceeded  $1,000,000,000. 

Who  can  measure  the  good  this  has  done  not  only  in  the 
relief  of  suffering  but  especially  in  the  promotion  of  inter¬ 
national  good-will  and  in  the  reconciliation  of  the  nations  ? 

But  America  is  not  alone  in  just  dealing  and  unselfish 
service.  For  years  previous  to  1904  the  boundary  dispute 
between  Chile  and  Argentina  had  threatened  war.  A  ter¬ 
ritory  of  over  83,000  square  miles — as  large  as  Kansas, 
Minnesota  or  Idaho — was  claimed  by  both  countries. 
Finally,  when  mobilization  was  under  way,  an  agreement 
to  arbitrate  was  reached.  The  American  Minister  to 
Argentina  acted  with  a  representative  of  both  countries 
to  define  the  boundary  which  was  accepted.  To  commemo¬ 
rate  the  peaceful  settlement  of  this  dispute,  the  two  coun¬ 
tries  jointly  erected  the  “Christ  of  the  Andes”  which 
stands  at  the  highest  pass  on  the  mountain  boundary.  It 
was  unveiled  in  1904  and  bears  this  inscription  in  its 
face:  “Sooner  shall  these  mountains  crumble  into  dust 
than  Chileans  and  Argentines  break  the  peace  which  at  the 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


27 


feet  of  Christ  the  Redeemer  they  have  sworn  to  maintain.” 
In  1908  a  hostel  for  the  rescue  and  care  of  travelers  was 
opened  on  the  pass  as  a  further  memorial  of  the  spirit 
which  averted  the  war. 

Czecho-Slovakia  is  today  showing  the  same  spirit.  De¬ 
spite  the  losses  of  the  war,  despite  the  lack  of  most  of  the 
necessities  throughout  eastern  Europe,  the  country  is  doing 
what  it  can  to  alleviate  the  condition  of  their  less  fortunate 
neighbors  in  Russia.  The  students  are  building  with  their 
own  hands  new  dormitories  to  house  Russian  students. 
Already  many  have  been  taken  into  homes  in  Prague,  the 
great  university  center,  and  everything  is  being  done  to 
reconstruct  their  lives  on  the  old  plane.  And  yet  this  work 
toward  spiritual  and  intellectual  restoration  is  being  done 
for  a  country  with  which  Czecho-Slovakia  has  no  political 
sympathy,  but  only  the  common  bond  of  need.  Even  the 
smallest  school  children  are  aiding  the  work  by  sewing 
garments  for  the  student  refugees. 

8 .  We  believe  that  nations  that  regard  themselves  as  Chris¬ 
tian  have  special  international  obligations . 

What  are  the  characteristics  of  a  “Christian”  nation  and 
what  are  the  special  obligations  that  “Christian”  nations 
should  meet  which  non-Christian  nations  may  ignore? 
From  the  standpoint  of  God’s  immutable  moral  laws,  non- 
Christian  nations  are  subject  to  the  same  moral  obliga¬ 
tions  as  Christian  nations.  From  the  standpoint,  how¬ 
ever,  of  the  Christian  nation,  its  obligations  are  vastly 
greater  than  those  of  non-Christian  nations  exactly  be¬ 
cause  it  professes  to  be  following  the  higher  ideal,  while  the 
non-Christian  nation  makes  no  such  profession. 

The  case  of  a  nation  does  not  differ  essentially  from 
that  of  an  individual.  A  non-Christian  man  is  just  as 
truly  subject  to  God’s  laws  of  truthfulness,  charity  and 
purity  as  is  an  avowed  Christian.  The  latter  knows  and 


28  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


acknowledges  the  obligation  and  seeks  to  meet  it,  while 
the  former  may  be  ignorant  of  the  law,  or  knowing  it  may 
willfully  disregard  it,  or,  though  ignorant  of  the  law  as 
God’s,  may  nevertheless  instinctively  feel  it  and  observe 
it.  Because  of  his  very  acknowledgment  of  the  law  the 
Christian  is  under  special  consciousness  of  obligation. 
Violation  under  such  circumstances  is  universaUy  re¬ 
garded  as  worthy  of  special  condemnation. 

But  are  there  Christian  nations?  What  nation  claims 
or  can  rightly  claim  to  be  Christian  and  by  what  standard 
shall  we  judge  such  a  claim  ?  In  point  of  fact  the  popular 
distinction  between  Christian  and  pagan  nations  is  largely 
fictitious  and  fallacious.  A  nation  may  for  convenience 
be  called  Christian  when  a  large  proportion  of  the  citizens 
are  members  of  Christian  Churches.  But  experience  shows 
that  though  a  nation  statistically  may  have  millions  of  pro¬ 
fessed  Christians;  though  they  may  even  constitute  the 
vast  majority  of  its  citizens,  yet  the  nation  may  not  justly 
be  reckoned  as.  Christian  if  crime  flourishes,  licentiousness 
prevails,  governmental  administration  is  corrupt,  strife  be¬ 
tween  classes  is  frequent,  and  international  conduct  is 
insincere,  selfish  and  militarisitic. 

Is  there  then  any  nation  worthy  to  be  pronounced  Chris¬ 
tian?  To  be  very  practical  and  pointed,  is  America  a 
Christian  nation?  If  we  are,  how  shall  we  account  for 
the  deep-seated  corruption  in  city  governments  so  re¬ 
peatedly  exposed  decade  after  decade?  What  shall  be 
said  of  the  widespread  disregard  of  law?  WRat  about 
lynchings?  Scores  every  year,  including  the  burning  of 
human  beings  at  the  stake.  What  about  our  industrial 
strife?  If  America  were  a  thoroughly  Christian  nation 
would  we  not  have  found  some  way  to  help  Armenia,  to 
protect  her  people  from  further  destruction  at  the  hands 
of  murderous  Turks  ?  Would  Congress  have  been  so  dila¬ 
tory  in  dealing  with  the  opium  question  and  other  ques¬ 
tions  of  clear  moral  significance. 

These  questions  help  us  to  see  how  far  our  land  falls 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


29 


short  of  being  the  fully  Christian  nation  which  we  would 
like  her  to  be.  Some  of  her  deeds  are  Christian  in  spirit 
and  nature ;  her  long  and  notable  peace  with  Canada ;  her 
missionary  and  educational  work  in  many  backward  coun¬ 
tries  ;  the  benevolent  aid  to  Russia  and  China,  to  Armenia 
and  Austria.  But  some  of  her  deeds,  judged  by  Christian 
ideas,  are  open  to  serious  question ;  the  war  with  Mexico ; 
much  of  our  treatment  of  Indians;  certain  aspects  of  our 
treatment  of  Haiti  and  Santo  Domingo  and  the  overthrow 
of  their  governments ;  the  long-continued  disregard  of  our 
treaty  with  China,  and  of  the  spirit  of  our  treaty  with 
J  apan. 

But  the  practical  import  of  this  article  in  our  interna¬ 
tional  decalogue  is  that  since  America  is  in  fact  to  a  large 
degree  Christian  she  is  committed  in  principle  to  the  prac¬ 
tice  of  Christian  ideals.  Forty-six  millions  of  our  citizens 
are  members  of  churches.  Surely  it  is  their  peculiar  duty 
to  develop  a  sensitive  international  conscience,  to  study  the 
international  conduct  of  our  government,  and  to  strive  to 
make  that  conduct  more  and  more  Christian,  increasingly 
truthful,  considerate,  helpful,  just  and  generous,  ready  to 
go  more  than  halfway  in  the  settlement  of  differences,  and 
always  insistent  that  every  difficulty  shall  be  settled  by 
conference  and  conciliation  rather  than  by  conflict. 


CHAPTER  III 


Ideals  That  Will  Create  a  Warless  World— 

(  Continued) 

4.  Removal  of  Unjust  Barriers  of  Trade,  Color, 

Creed  and  Race 


“Christ  alone  carries  love  across  the  gulf  of  race  and  nation 
and  seeks  to  make  mankind  genuinely  one.” 

— Robert  E.  Speer. 


Cf 

IDEALS  THAT  WILL  CREATE  A  WARLESS 

W  ORLD — Continued 

Jf.  We  believe  that  the  spirit  of  Christian  brotherliness  can 
remove  every  unjust  barrier  of  trade ,  color ,  creed  and 
race . 

Judea,  nineteen  centuries  ago,  was  an  extraordinary 
meeting-place  of  races.  Jews  and  Samaritans,  Greeks  and 
Romans,  Syrians,  Parthians,  Medes  and  Elamites,  Cretans, 
Arabians,  bond  and  free,  all  manner  and  variety  of  peoples, 
colors,  languages,  religions,  customs,  clothing,  ideas  and 
cultures  were  there,  jumbled  and  huddled  together.  Each 
group  was  proud  and  arrogant  and  jealous.  Prejudice 
ruled.  Men  were  true  and  loyal  to  their  own  kith  and  kin, 
but  little  did  they  see  to  commend  in  others.  Rivalry, 
strife,  injustice,  were  inevitable. 

But  an  extraordinary  thing  happened  one  day.  A  new 
and  strange  spirit  took  possession  of  a  certain  small  group 
of  followers  of  a  teacher  who  had  been  crucified  for  his 
claim  to  be  the  Son  of  God,  a  King  to  establish  God’s  King¬ 
dom  on  earth.  The  men  suddenly  discovered  that  though 
they  spoke  different  languages  they  could  understand  one 
another;  that  though  they  had  held  different  faiths  they 
could  through  their  Master  feel  themselves  as  sons  of  a 
common  Father.  That  new  spirit  crossed  the  barriers  of 
race  and  religion,  of  color  and  creed.  It  created  a  common 
devotion  to  one  Lord,  their  common  Savior,  and  a  living 
devotion  to  one  another. 

The  earliest  history  of  the  origin  and  spread  of  the 
Christian  religion,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  gives  chief 
place  to  that  amazing  experience  of  those  men  who  burst 


34  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


the  bonds  of  tribal  and  provincial  life  and  entered  into  the 
wonderful  heritage  of  liberated,  universal  humanity.  They 
discovered  that  God  is  no  “respecter  of  persons” ;  that  he 
gives  His  Holy  Spirit  of  truth  and  love  and  freedom  to 
men  of  every  race  and  color,  of  every  ancestry  and  culture ; 
that  in  Christ,  through  the  Holy  Spirit,  men  are  born  into 
a  new  life  of  friendship,  of  outlook,  of  understanding  of 
history,  of  conscious  kinship  to  the  infinite  God,  the  eter¬ 
nal  creator  of  the  universe  and  ruler  of  nations,  and  that 
in  Christ,  through  the  Holy  Spirit,  there  is  neither  bond 
nor  free,  J ew  nor  Greek,  male  nor  female ;  all  are  equally 
privileged  to  enjoy  the  fullness  of  the  life  of  a  child  of  God. 

So  new  and  so  fundamental  was  their  insight  felt  to  be 
and  so  revolutionary  the  revelation,  that  the  first  historian 
of  the  early  expansion  of  Christian  faith  explained  in 
great  detail  (Acts  10 :  1-44)  just  how  Peter,  the  outstand¬ 
ing  leader  among  the  Apostles  chosen  by  the  Lord,  was 
led  to  acknowledge  the  equality  of  Gentiles  with  Jews  in 
respect  to  receiving  God’s  grace  and  blessings.  Like  all 
ether  Jews,  Peter  had  supposed  that  God’s  special  love 
and  favor  were  reserved  for  the  Jews;  that  Gentiles  must 
first  become  Jews  by  adoption  before  they  could  be  full 
recipients  of  His  grace.  Peter’s  astonishment  found  ex¬ 
pression  in  the  famous  words :  “Of  a  truth  I  perceive  that 
God  is  no  respecter  of  persons  but  that  in  every  nation 
he  that  feareth  Him  and  worketh  righteousness  is  accept¬ 
able  to  Him.” 

In  his  letter  to  the  Ephesians,  Paul  speaks  of  the  age-old 
mystery  of  the  races  which  had  been  hid  in  God  who 
created  all  things,  which  mystery  had  been  revealed  to  him 
by  his  understanding  of  J esus  Christ ;  the  mystery, 
namely,  that  other  peoples  than  Jews  are  fellow-members 
of  the  body  and  fellow-partakers  of  the  promise  in  Christ 
Jesus.  Paul  had  come  to  see  that  in  the  providence  of 
God  who  loves  all  men  and  all  peoples,  each  race  has  its 
place  in  God’s  eternal  purposes;  that  no  one  race  is  the 
complete  humanity;  that  the  full  Kingdom  of  God  in- 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


35 


eludes  all ;  that  in  this  Kingdom  there  is  no  place  for  race 
pride,  race  arrogance  or  race  domination;  that  in  God’s 
manifold  wisdom  and  eternal  purpose  the  reconciliation 
of  the  races  to  one  another  is  involved  in  their  reconcilia¬ 
tion  to  God,  all  of  which  takes  place  through  Jesus  Christ. 
And  in  the  fervor  of  his  joy  in  this  new  and  deep  under¬ 
standing  of  history  and  its  most  perplexing  problem,  he 
breaks  out  in  prayer  for  the  Christians  at  Ephesus  that 
Christ  might  dwell  in  their  hearts;  that  being  rooted  in 
love  they  might  be  strong  to  apprehend  the  breadth  and 
length  and  height  and  depth  of  the  love  of  Christ  which 
indeed  passeth  knowledge  and  might  be  filled  unto  all  the 
fullness  of  God  (Eph.  2:  11 — 3:  19). 

The  religion  of  the  early  Christians  spread  from  Judea 
to  Greece,  to  Rome  and  to  other  lands,  just  because  it  pro¬ 
claimed  this  all-embracing  universalism — one  God,  one 
Savior,  one  humanity.  Greeks  and  Romans,  Medes  and 
Parthians,  men  of  every  clime  and  color,  of  every  educa¬ 
tion  and  status  could  accept  this  new  faith  exactly  because 
it  was  universal.  It  lifted  them  out  of  narrow  race 
and  class  bondage  and  put  them  in  friendly  relations  with 
all  the  universe  and  with  all  kinds  of  men.  It  broke  down 
and  banished  the  fatal  harriers  of  race-pride  and  arrogance, 
so  obstructive  to  the  larger  life.  It  gave  them  a  new  free¬ 
dom.  The  noble  ideas  and  ideals  and  achievements  of  each 
people  became  the  joint  heritage  and  blessing  of  all.  Each 
could  take  pleasure  and  pride  in  what  others  had  done; 
even  as  sons  in  one  loving  family  rejoice  in  the  laurels  won 
by  its  various  members.  The  universalism  of  the  early 
Christian  religion  had  important  economic  consequences. 
It  broke  down  ancient  taboos  of  many  kinds,  economic  and 
social;  it  banished  injustices  and  hampering  limitations; 
it  let  men  live  and  work  in  co-operation  whom  race  preju¬ 
dice  and  religious  arrogance  were  keeping  apart;  a  co¬ 
operation  of  immense  mutual  advantage.  It  thus  banished 
ignorance  and  fear  and  suspicions  and  brought  reconcilia¬ 
tions  and  mutual  help  along  many  lines.  It  enriched  civil- 


36  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


ization  by  bringing  into  a  common  life  tbe  highest  intellec¬ 
tual  and  moral  achievements  of  Jews  and  Greeks  and 
Romans.  It  was  this  broader  vision,  this  deeper  insight, 
this  inclusive  joy,  this  wider  and  freer  fellowship,  that 
made  the  early  church  victorious  as  it  swept  from  land  to 
land  and  finally  included  all  the  peoples  of  Europe  in  a 
common  faith.  The  stricter  sect  of  Judaizing  Christians 
never  had  the  slightest  chance  of  success,  exactly  because 
of  its  exclusiveness,  its  narrow  pride  of  race,  its  narrowing 
arrogance  of  orthodoxy. 

From  the  early  ages  down  to  the  present,  Christianity 
has  flourished  or  waned  according  to  its  emphasis  on  this 
all-embracing  universalism  that  spans  the  nations  and 
races.  Even  today  the  success  of  Christian  missions  in 
China  and  Japan,  in  India  and  Africa,  depends  more  upon 
its  universal  gospel  of  a  common  Father,  a  common  Savior, 
and  a  common  humanity  with  its  rejection  of  race  empha¬ 
sis,  than  upon  any  other  single  factor.  The  American  or 
English  missionary  who,  in  pride  of  race,  hands  down  to 
proud  Japanese,  scholarly  Chinese  or  philosophic  Hindus, 
an  Anglo-Saxon  Christianity  inherited  from  Amglo-Saxon 
ancestors,  for  them  to  accept  or  reject,  makes  few  real  fol¬ 
lowers  of  the  Lord  Jesus.  He  can  establish  by  that  method 
and  that  spirit  no  living  church  of  the  living  God,  who  is 
no  respecter  of  persons,  of  races.  But  the  missionary  who 
comes  to  a  foreign  people  in  the  spirit  of  true  brotherly 
fellowship  is  doing  more  than  anyone  else  in  the  world  to 
span  the  chasm  between  race  and  race  and  to  help  each  to 
understand  and  value  the  other. 

Few,  even  among  the  generally  well-informed  members 
of  our  churches  appreciate  the  amount  of  good-will  being 
generated  between  the  diverse  races  of  our  modern  world 
by  the  many  missionary  enterprises  now  being  carried  on 
in  backward  countries  by  the  Protestant  churches  of 
America,  Great  Britain  and  Scandinavia.  These  enter¬ 
prises  are  not  only  evangelistic  in  the  narrow  sense  of  the 
word,  but  educational,  industrial,  agricultural,  medical  and 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


37 


philanthropic.  The  psychological  results  of  these  activi¬ 
ties  are  to  be  found  not  only  in  the  lands  where  they  are 
conducted  but  also  in  the  lands  from  which  the  missionaries 
go  and  among  the  millions  of  individuals  by  whom  the 
gifts  are  made.  Some,  indeed,  regard  the  reflex  influence 
in  the  homeland  on  the  spiritual  life,  the  broadened  out¬ 
look  and  the  world-wide  sympathy,  as  of  even  greater  sig¬ 
nificance  than  the  results  secured  in  the  foreign  fields. 
While  a  full  setting  forth  of  all  the  facts  is  not  practicable, 
and  might  be  tedious,  the  following  summary  will  indicate 
something  of  the  extent  of  these  activities : 

The  number  of  American  and  Canadian  missionaries 
sent  by  all  the  evangelical  churches  to  the  Far  East  num¬ 
bered  (1918-1919)  some  5243  men  and  women,  distrib¬ 
uted  among  the  various  countries  as  follows :  China,  3361 ; 
Japan,  1013;  Korea,  336;  Philippines,  214;  Pacific 
Islands,  208;  Siam,  111.  It  is  estimated  that  since  the 
beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  about  10,000  Ameri¬ 
can  missionaries  have  lived  and  labored  in  those  countries. 
During  the  year  1918-1919  American  and  Canadian  ex¬ 
penditures  for  missions  in  China  and  Japan  amounted, 
respectively,  to  $7,345,597  and  $2,283,912,  a  total  of 
$10,765,638.  The  value  of  mission  property  in  those 
countries  was  estimated  at  $22,783,390.  The  total  Ameri¬ 
can  missionary  expenditures  in  those  countries  from  the 
beginning  has  been  roughly  estimated  as  at  least  $110,- 
000,000.  These  figures  do  not  include  the  famine  relief 
funds,  $7,500,000  in  1921  and  about  $10,000,000  for  ten 
years  before  that,  nor  the  $10,200,000  expended  by  the 
Rockefeller  China  Medical  Board  in  seven  years.  The 
total  income  of  the  Mission  Boards  of  Canada  and  the 
United  States  in  1920  for  work  in  all  lands  amounted  to 
$40,276,200,  while  the  total  number  of  foreign  mission¬ 
aries  reached  the  sum  of  10,618  men  and  women,  the  native 
workers  numbering  58,690,  and  the  gifts  for  their  own 
work  by  native  Christians  amounting  to  $4,87 6,953.  These 
are  eloquent  figures,  especially  when  one  notes  that  beside 


38  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


the  figures  here  given  those  of  workers  and  contributions 
from  Great  Britain,  Scandinavia  and  Germany  should  be 
added  if  one  would  reckon  the  entire  Protestant  missionary 
movement  from  Caucasian  to  non-Christian  lands. 

The  barriers  most  inimical  to  peace  and  good-will  and 
most  provocative  of  war  in  our  modern  world  are  political 
frontiers  widely  extended  and  rigidly  guarded  for  the  pro¬ 
motion  of  exclusive  national  trade  interests.  The  existing 
situation  needs  to  be  clearly  understood  and  deeply  pon¬ 
dered  by  those  who  would  establish  a  Warless  World.  For 
the  powerful  capitalistic,  commercial  and  economic  inter¬ 
ests  of  modern  nations  constitute  powerful  factors  making 
for  war.  A  world  really  free  from  danger  of  war  and 
preparations  for  war  is  unthinkable  so  long  as  selfish 
capitalistic  and  commecial  combinations  of  “big  business’7 
and  “big  politics”  rule  the  international  policies  of  the 
nations.  So  important  is  this  matter  that  time  must  be 
taken  to  consider  it  somewhat  carefully. 

Nations  and  national  self-consciousness  are  develop¬ 
ments  of  the  past  few  hundred  years,  chiefly,  however,  of 
the  last  century.  With  the  rapid  development  of  the 
industrialized  peoples  of  Europe,  and  of  their  productive 
capacity  through  the  increase  of  machinery  driven  by 
steam  power,  trade  between  nations  has  grown  to  enor¬ 
mous  proportions ;  the  standard  of  life,  also,  of  the  trading 
peoples  has  greatly  advanced ;  their  need  of  raw  material 
likewise  drawn  from  foreign  lands  has  arisen ;  extension  of 
markets  in  foreign  countries  has  also  become  vital  to  them ; 
capital  developed  in  one  country  has  been  invested  in  other 
countries  in  fabulous  amounts.  In  these  ways  the  indus¬ 
trial,  commercial,  capitalistic  and  cultural  conditions  in 
the  advanced  nations,  such  as  Great  Britain,  France  and 
Germany,  have  become  intimately  intertwined  with  and 
dependent  upon  their  relations  with  other  countries.  The 
welfare  of  these  advanced  nations  has  become  vitally  de¬ 
pendent  on  maintaining  their  commercial  and  financial 
opportunities  unimpaired.  Each  nation  in  seeking  to  pro- 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


39 


tect  and  ensure  its  own  permanent  welfare,  has  naturally 
sought  to  control  and,  if  possible,  to  get  sole  possession  of 
undeveloped  and  backward  countries  which  give  or  promise 
to  give  advantage  to  its  economic  welfare.  “Big  business” 
has  seen  these  opportunities  in  foreign  lands  and  has  made 
its  investments  in  conference  with  governmental  leaders. 
These  are  the  causes  that  have  led  to  the  partition  of 
Africa  among  the  European  Powers ;  to  Russian  expansion 
over  Siberia  and  down  into  Manchuria;  to  European 
“spheres  of  influence”  and  “special  privilege”  in  China; 
to  Japanese  annexation  of  Formosa  and  Korea;  to  Ameri¬ 
can  aggressions  on  Mexico  during  the  middle  of  the  last 
century,  and  to  quite  recent  developments  in  Haiti  and 
Santo  Domingo.  These  are  the  considerations,  also,  that 
have  led  to  the  high  development  of  tariff  laws  in  many 
countries,  promoting  trade  development  between  diverse 
areas  of  the  same  nation,  but  putting  heavy  handicaps  upon 
trade  across  national  boundary  lines.  Each  nation  in  these 
ways  has  been  looking  out  for  its  own  prosperity  regard¬ 
less  of  that  of  neighbor  nations. 

Experience  shows  that  in  this  process  weak  and  back¬ 
ward  peoples  suffer  serious  wrongs  and  injustices  while 
their  natural  resources  are  being  developed.  Citizens  of 
alien  powers,  moreover,  residing  in  such  areas,  do  not 
have  equal  opportunities  for  investment  and  trade  with 
those  of  the  possessor  nation.  Whatever  then  may  have 
been  the  causes  of  war  in  ancient  times — ambitions  of 
kings  and  emperors;  thirst  for  the  glory  and  power  of 
enlarged  dominions ;  need  of  slaves ;  passion  for  revenge  or 
even  mere  love  of  adventure — danger  of  war  today  lies  in 
the  amazing  economic  and  industrial  expansion  of  modern 
nations.  And  inextricably  intertwined  in  this  economic 
competition  is  the  clash  of  race  prejudice  and  race  pride. 

Germany,  to  cite  a  concrete  illustration,  had  been  suc¬ 
cessfully  working  out  a  vast  plan  of  expansion  by  which 
to  bring  under  a  single  political  control  the  whole 
economic  life  of  Austria,  the  Balkans,  Asia  Minor  and 


40  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


Mesopotamia.  Germany’s  success,  with  the  special  privi¬ 
lege  it  would  have  secured  for  German  capital  and  com¬ 
merce,  would  have  created  fresh  barriers  to  English  and 
French  political  expansion,  and  fresh  obstacles  to  English 
and  French  capitalistic  and  commercial  development. 
These  nations  feared  the  concentration  of  such  huge 
resources  of  natural  wealth  and  human  power  in  the  hands 
of  such  an  aggressive  militaristic  nation  as  Germany  had 
shown  herself  to  be.  Germany  thought  the  summer  of 
1914  opportune,  by  a  short  powerful  drive,  for  crippling 
Russia,  for  destroying  France,  and  for  establishing  her 
military  and  economic  domination.  The  great  tragedy  of 
1914  was  due  to  these  ambitions  and  fears  of  the  great 
powers.1 

1Tiie  above  statement  of  the  economic  and  political  causes  of  the 
Great  War  is  not,  of  course,  an  attempt  to  be  a  complete  enumera¬ 
tion  of  all  the  causes.  It  is  probably  not  possible  for  anyone  to 
present  them  adequately  in  a  single  paragraph.  In  addition,  how¬ 
ever,  to  the  factors  named  above  four  others  should  certainly  be 
mentioned.  Few  Americans  appreciate  the  German  fear  in  1914  of 
the  then  rapidly  developing  economic  and  military  power  of  Russia 
and  the  Slavic  peoples  of  Central  Europe,  threatening,  as  Germans 
contended,  in  a  few  years,  if  unchecked,  to  be  overwhelming.  This 
was  one  factor.  The  reciprocal  moves  of  Germany,  France,  Austria, 
Russia,  Italy,  Turkey  and  Great  Britain  during  the  decade  before 
the  war  in  increasing  the  sizes  and  equipment  of  their  respective 
armies  and  navies  was  a  second  factor.  This  competitive  develop¬ 
ment  of  military  and  naval  armaments  played  an  important  part  in 
precipitating  the  war.  Then  there  was  the  recognized  imperialistic 
policies  of  all  these  nations  steadily  pushed  by  the  respective  chan¬ 
celleries,  enterprising  diplomats  and  shrewd  capitalists  of  each  na¬ 
tion.  And,  in  the  fourth  place,  there  was  partisan  politics  in  Ger¬ 
many,  the  Junker  against  the  Socialist.  The  Junkers  planned  by 
a  foreign  war  to  destroy  the  impending  victory  at  the  polls  of  the 
rapidly  growing  Socialist  party.  For  a  fair  estimate,  therefore,  of 
national  responsibility  for  the  Great  War,  all  these  factors  must 
be  given  due  consideration.  Each  nation  must  bear  its  share  of 
responsibility  and  blame. 

For  a  remarkably  lucid  and  complete  statement  of  Germany’s 
responsibility  during  the  last  three  weeks  for  precipitating  the  war 
in  1914,  the  reader  is  referred  to  Dr.  Heinrich  Kanner’s  article  trans- 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


41 


The  Paris  Peace  Conference  of  1919  and  the  Treaty  of 
Versailles  were  deeply  concerned  with  the  economic  in¬ 
terests  of  the  victorious  nations.  Not  only  were  Germany 
and  Austria  to  be  humbled  in  the  dust,  but  their  economic 
resources  were  to  be  divided  up  among  the  victors — 
Great  Britain,  France,  Italy  and  Japan.  In  this  pro¬ 
cedure  President  Wilson’s  “Fourteen  Points”  were  largely 
ignored,  although  they  had  been  accepted  as  the  basis  of 
the  armistice.  The  creation  of  many  new  states  by  that 
treaty,  with  new  political  boundaries  and  economic  bar¬ 
riers,  together  with  the  subjection  of  minority  populations 
to  unwelcome  rulers  in  many  areas,  has  left  all  Europe 
in  terrible  confusion  of  conflicting  political  ambitions 
and  economic  necessities.1 

Distinction  should  perhaps  be  made  between  the 
dominant  interests  of  Great  Britain,  France,  Italy  and 
Japan  at  the  Paris  Conference  and  those  of  the  smaller 
states  thus  represented,  such  as  Poland,  Jugo-Slavia, 
Czecho-Slovakia,  Roumania  and  the  rest.  In  the  case  of 
the  latter,  while  economic  interests  were  well  to  the  fore, 
perhaps  the  most  intense  interests  were  political;  the 
achievement  and  maintenance  of  independence,  the  ques¬ 
tions  of  boundary  lines,  safeguards,  and  the  right  of 
complete  self-determination.  France  was  undoubtedly 
concerned  with  securing  a  strategic  frontier  as  against 
Germany  and  with  having  assurances  of  adequate  in¬ 
demnity.  There  were  also  questions  of  adequate  punish¬ 
ment  of  those  responsible  for  the  carnage  and  the  tragedy 
of  the  war.  The  multitudinous  interests,  passions  and 

lated  in  the  New  York  Times  Current  History  Magazine  (June  and 
July,  1922).  It  summarizes  the  four  volumes  by  Professor  Karl 
Kautzky  (of  Germany)  containing  the  official  documents  from  the 
archives  of  the  Foreign  Office  at  Berlin,  published  (1919)  under  the 
authority  of  the  Germany  Republic. 

3  For  a  vivid  description  of  the  situation  in  Central  Europe  re¬ 
sulting  from  the  Treaty  of  Versailles  the  reader  may  well  examine 
the  second  chapter  of  Lord  Bryce’s  volume  “International  Relations.” 


42  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


ambitions  of  the  scores  of  delegates  and  “experts”  present 
from  so  many  countries  make  it  perhaps  impossible  to 
define  exactly  wbat  was  the  one  chief  feature  of  the  Con¬ 
ference;  indeed  one’s  view  on  that  question  will  un¬ 
doubtedly  depend  on  the  dominant  interest  of  the  person 
who  seeks  to  appraise  its  character  and  results. 

The  Washington  Conference,  also,  though  immediately 
dealing  with  the  limitation  of  naval  programs  and  with 
plans  for  giving  China  a  square  deal,  had  nevertheless  as 
its  predominant  background  the  economic  barriers  in  the 
Pacific  and  the  Far  East  which  had  been  erected  by  the 
nations  each  for  its  own  special  advantage,  regardless  of 
the  effects  on  the  welfare  of  other  nations. 

The  prizes  of  war  today  are  thus  seen  to  be  economic. 
Should  war  in  the  Pacific  develop,  it  would  be  a  war  to 
gain  by  force  economic  prizes  that  cannot  be  won  by 
commercial  competition,  by  conference,  by  treaties  or  by 
threats  of  war.  It  would  be  a  war  by  one  people  or  another 
to  batter  down  old  barriers  and  to  set  up  new  ones  more 
favorable  to  the  victors. 

The  fourth  article  in  our  creed  for  a  Warless  World 
is  the  assertion  that  all  barriers  that  lead  to  injustice  of 
any  kind  can  be,  and  therefore  should  be,  removed,  and 
that  they  can  be  removed  by  the  spirit  of  Christian 
brotherliness.  The  experience  of  history  shows  how  harm¬ 
ful  are  the  barriers  of  race  prejudice  and  arrogance,  and 
how  even  economic  barriers  serve  as  prolific  causes  of  in¬ 
justice,  ill-will,  animosity  and  hostility.  The  brief  sketch 
given  above  of  the  causes  of  the  Great  War,  and  of  the 
existing  situation  in  Europe  growing  out  of  the  war,  shows 
how  many  and  how  serious  are  the  obstacles  to  a  Warless 
World.  But  we  who  love  and  believe  in  the  ideal  are 
confident  that  all  these  barriers  can  be  removed  by  the 
spirit  of  Christ. 


CHAPTER  IV 

Ideals  That  Will  Create  a  Warless  World — 

(  Continued ) 

5.  Christian  Patriotism 

6.  Equal  Justice  for  All  Races 


“Life  from  top  to  bottom  is  one.  We  cannot  be  Christians  in 
our  homes  and  pagan  in  our  politics.  The  Golden  Rule  is  for 
all  nations.  The  Great  Commandment  is  for  all  people.” 

— Charles  E.  Jefferson. 


IDEALS  THAT  WILL  CREATE  A  WARLESS 

W  ORLD — Continued 


5.  We  believe  that  Christian  'patriotism  demands  the 

practice  of  good-will  between  nations. 

Patriotism  was  revealed  by  the  Great  War  as  one  of 
man’s  fundamental  passions.  It  is  universal;  the  posses¬ 
sion  of  every  people.  It  leads  a  man  to  wondrous  deeds 
of  heroism  and  self-forgetfulness.  This  ability  of  a  man, 
writes  Dr.  Jefferson,  “to  rise  above  the  claims  of  his 
family,  to  break  the  bonds  that  bind  him  to  father  and 
mother  and  brother  and  sister  and  wife  and  child  and 
lay  his  life  down  on  the  altar  of  his  country.  This  is 
not  logic;  this  is  not  reason;  it  is  flame,  fire,  passion. 
And  who  can  measure  the  force  of  passion?  Who  can 
tell  how  deep  it  goes  or  how  high  it  can  soar!  Look  at 
those  millions  of  men,  every  man  with  his  back  to  his 
home  and  his  face  toward  his  flag  and  meditate  on  the 
incredible,  immeasurable,  unimaginable  power  of  pat¬ 
riotism.”  1 

We  must  distinguish,  however,  between  “love  of  country 
for  its  higher  spiritual  aspects”  and  a  narrower  spirit 
which,  for  convenience,  we  may  call  nationalism.  “Na¬ 
tionalism  places  the  nation  above  humanity  and  makes  the 
nation  the  final  goal  of  all  effort.”  Nationalism  denies 
the  larger  whole,  rejects  the  equal  rights  of  other  peoples 
and  nations.  It  strives  for  national  aggrandizement  “in 
complete  indifference  to  the  welfare  or  the  rights  of  others. 
It  has  no  comprehensive  world  policy.  Its  highest  hope  is 
that  its  own  nation  may  by  some  supreme  effort  prove 

1  “What  the  War  is  Teaching,”  p.  81. 

45 


46  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


itself  master  at  last  of  all  its  rivals.”  “I  now  see  that 
patriotism  (in  the  narrower  sense)  is  not  enough,”  said 
Edith  Cavell.  “I  must  die  without  hatred  toward  any 
one.”  Christian  patriotism  sees  the  welfare  of  the  nation 
knit  up  with  that  of  all  humanity.  It  has  a  comprehen¬ 
sive,  all-embracing  goal  and  a  splendid,  generous  policy 
of  mutual  service  and  common  development.  True  patriot¬ 
ism  is  no  more  inconsistent  with  true  internationalism 
than  is  love  of  one’s  own  family  inconsistent  with  patri¬ 
otism. 

Now  it  is  Christianity  that  transmutes  selfish  national¬ 
ism  into  the  higher  patriotism.  Christianity  lifts  love  of 
country  out  of  its  narrow  parochialism,  gives  it  the  larger 
vision,  inspires  it  with  a  spirit  of  world  service  and  sends 
the  nation  forth  into  the  world  to  bless  and  be  blessed. 
When  the  spirit  of  Jesus  takes  possession  of  a  selfish  man, 
it  transforms  him.  He  now  loves  and  serves  his  fellow- 
men.  So  when  the  spirit  of  Jesus  takes  possession  of  a 
nation,  its  selfish,  provincial,  nationalistic  spirit  will  he 
changed  into  a  comprehensive  spirit  of  international  good¬ 
will  and  service.  And  that  service  will  involve  sacrifice 
and  perhaps  even  suffering.  Certain  it  is  that  the  recon¬ 
ciliation  of  the  nations  to  one  another,  and  their  re¬ 
demption  from  the  sin  and  the  curse  of  war,  will  never  he 
accomplished  by  any  selfish  nation  whose  sole  ambition 
is  the  acquisition  for  itself  alone  of  this  world’s  goods. 
What  shall  it  profit  a  nation  to  gain  the  whole  world 
and  lose  its  own  soul  ?  For  lose  its  soul  it  will,  if  it  con¬ 
ceives  the  purpose  of  its  endeavors  and  the  reason  and 
end  of  its  being  to  be  the  attainment  of  merely  selfish 
desires  and  ambitions.  The  true  end  of  a  nation  as  of  an 
individual  is  service.  To  achieve  its  highest  development 
and  most  noble  self-realization,  a  nation  must  give  itself 
to  the  welfare  of  fellow-nations.  It  must  lose  itself  to 
really  find  itself. 

Christian  Patriotism  thus  has  a  program  of  good-will 
for  all  the  nations  and  races  of  the  world.  It  seeks  not 


IPJ3ALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD  47 

its  own  prosperity  alone  but  that  of  all.  It  thinks  not  of 
its  own  achievements  alone  but  it  generously  recognizes 
the  notable  and  noble  achievements  of  all.  It  rejoices  in 
them  and  appropriates  them  in  gratitude.  In  turn  it 
gladly  contributes  what  it  may  of  its  spiritual  gains  for 
the  welfare  of  the  rest.  It  seeks  to  overcome  suspicion 
and  to  build  up  confidence;  it  strives  to  overthrow  selfish-" 
ness  and  to  promote  generosity ;  it  discourages  destructive 
rivalry  and  cultivates  helpful  co-operation.  It  welcomes 
contacts  and  acquaintance  in  order  to  overcome  ignorance 
and  prejudice  and  fear,  and  to  beget  trust,  assurance  and 
mutual  good-will. 

The  goal  of  Christian  Patriotism  is  an  association  of 
nations,  bound  together  by  common  spiritual  ideals  and 
ambitions  of  service,  and  achieving  an  ever-developing 
common  life  of  beauty,  truth  and  goodness.  For  just  as 
an  individual  can  achieve  his  true  goal  and  rise  to  his 
highest  developments  only  in  association  and  in  friendly 
interchange  of  service  with  other  individuals,  so  a  nation 
can  achieve  its  highest  ends  and  realize  its  true  goal  only 
in  international  association  and  service. 

Plato  long  ago  declared  that  “above  all  nations  is 
humanity.”  Since  that  time  many  an  imperial  power  has 
arisen  and  fallen.  Many  efforts  have  been  made  to  destroy 
peoples.  How  imperishable  a  people  is,  Poland,  Ireland, 
the  Jewish  race,  and  many  another  race  bears  witness. 
The  program  of  Christian  Patriotism  for  the  world  is 
not  an  imperialistic  endeavor  for  the  obliteration  or  the 
forgetting  of  national  or  racial  distinctions.  In  the  great 
life  of  world-wide  humanity,  each  people  and  race  should 
keep  its  place,  preserve  its  institutions  and  maintain  its 
uniqueness.  Only  so  can  it  fulfill  its  true  destiny,  per¬ 
form  its  part,  and  render  its  service  to  the  welfare  and 
the  richness  of  the  life  of  the  whole. 

Suppose  the  United  States  were  to  set  itself  deliberately 
and  whole-heartedly  to  a  full-orbed  Christian  program  of 
international  good-will,  seeking  to  reconcile  the  nations 


48  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


and  speedily  to  achieve  a  Warless  World,  what  would  it 
do  ? 

First  of  all,  would  we  not  scrutinize  existing  laws  deal¬ 
ing  with  foreigners  in  our  midst  ? 1 2 3 4 5 6  Would  we  not  insist 
that  they  secure  justice  ?  That  hampering  and  humiliat¬ 
ing  laws  for  strangers  should  be  repealed?  That  “the 
equal  protection  of  the  law’7  guaranteed  by  our  ideal  and 
our  Constitution  would  be  really  carried  out? 

Then,  would  we  not  examine  with  care  all  our  treaties 
to  see  that  they  were  being  honorably  carried  out?  And 
every  proposed  law,  such  as  those  which  deal  with  tariffs 
and  the  Panama  Canal,  would  they  not  be  framed  from 
the  standpoint  of  good  neighborliness? 

Would  we  not  also  study  positive  methods  for  over¬ 
coming  existing  suspicions,  ill-will  and  prejudice,  and 
for  creating  confidence  and  good-will?  In  carrying  out 
this  program  would  we  not  plan  some  such  annual  budget 
as  the  following? 


1.  Pensions  for  Cripples  and  Widows  and  Or¬ 

phans  in 

France  and  Italy  .  $100,000,000 

Germany,  Austria  and  Russia .  100,000,000 

Balkans,  Turkey,  Armenia,  Syria,  Mesopo¬ 
tamia,  etc .  100,000,000 

2.  Hospitals  in  Asia,  South  America  and  Africa  50,000,000 

3.  Emergency  Relief  for  Sufferers  by  Famine, 

Flood,  Earthquake  and  Fire .  50,000,000 

4.  Universities  in  Mexico,  Latin  America,  Asia, 

the  Near  East,  Russia  and  the  Balkans,  etc.  50,000,000 

5.  Colleges,  Normal  Schools,  High  Schools,  in 

many  foreign  lands .  50,000,000 

6.  Travelling  Scholarships  for  American  Stu¬ 

dents  abroad  and  for  foreign  students  com¬ 
ing  to  the  United  States .  10,000,000 

7.  Physical  Training  Centers  in  foreign  lands 

and  Playgrounds  in  large  cities,  Gymna¬ 
siums,  etc .  10,000,000 


1  For  some  details  in  regard  to  this  suggestion  the  reader  may 
turn  to  Chapters  VIII  and  IX. 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


49 


8.  Systematic  Constructive  Education  in  Amer¬ 
ica  and  in  every  country  in  the  principles  of 
a  Warless  World  .  50,000,000 

Total  .  $570,000,000 

Of  course  no  plan  like  this  would  be  practicable  that 
did  not  co-operate  in  full  measure  with  the  governments 
and  leaders  of  the  peoples  concerned.  Nothing  should 
be  done  that  would  offend  or  humiliate.  Such  reactions 
would  tend  to  nullify  the  very  purpose  in  mind.  In  some 
instances  reciprocal  activities  might  be  proposed.  In  any 
case,  the  above  proposal  is  merely  a  sketch  of  a  kind  of 
national  activity  that,  where  practicable,  would  have 
highly  beneficial  results.  Certainly,  offer  of  substantial 
aid  at  once  to  all  the  nations  for  the  care  of  their  diseased, 
cripples,  widows  and  orphans,  could  bring  only  happy 
reactions. 

If  America  should  carry  out  such  a  program  as  this 
for  ten  years  the  cost  would  be  $5,700,000,000.  This 
is  not  much  more  than  we  would  have  spent  on  our  Navy 
alone  but  for  the  saving  effected  by  the  Washington  Agree¬ 
ments  for  the  naval  holiday.  Compared  with  our  $44,- 
000,000,000  spent  in  less  than  our  three  years  of  war 
this  sum  is  not  large.  The  expenses  of  our  Army  and 
Navy  for  the  next  ten  years  is  likely  to  exceed  very  con¬ 
siderably  the  suggested  annual  budget  for  good-will. 

If  one  is  inclined  to  exclaim  at  the  huge  sums  proposed 
in  this  budget,  let  him  note  what  sums  the  American 
people  expended  in  1921  for  matters  of  insignificant  im¬ 
portance:  The  Secretary  of  the  United  States  Treasury 
estimated  from  the  figures  available  at  his  office,  that  for 
the  fiscal  year  1919  the  American  people  expended  more 
than  $12,000,000,000  under  the  following  headings:1 


Joy  riding,  theaters,  movies,  races,  etc .  $3,000,000,000 

Luxurious  services  .  3,000,000,000 

High-priced  clothing,  carpets,  rugs .  1,500,000,000 


1  “Christianity  and  Economic  Problems,”  p.  47. 


50  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


Cigars,  cigarettes,  tobacco,  snuff .  2,110,000,000 

Perfumery,  face  powder,  cosmetics .  750,000,000 

Soft  drinks  .  350,000,000 

Candy .  1,000,000,000 

Jewelry  . 500,000,000 

Chewing  gum .  50,000,000 


Total  .  $12,260,000,000 


In  the  light  of  these  figures  the  proposal  to  spend  some 
$500,000,000  annually  for  promoting  international  good¬ 
will  does  not  appear  particularly  extravagant. 

In  order  to  carry  out  such  a  program  as  this  we  would 
need  to  have  administrators  who  are  both  wise  and  expert. 
Great  care  would  be  needed  to  secure  the  wholesome  co¬ 
operation  of  the  leaders  in  each  country.  And  to  ad¬ 
minister  these  finances  in  a  way  to  secure  the  best  effect, 
should  we  not  establish  a  Department  of  International 
Good-will  with  a  Secretary  of  Good-will  sitting  as  a  mem¬ 
ber  of  the  President’s  Cabinet  ?  In  making  such  a  change 
in  our  administrative  machinery,  might  it  not  be  well  at 
the  same  time  to  consolidate  the  present  Departments  of 
War  and  Navy,  constituting  them  the  Department  of 
Defense  ?  Perhaps  it  might  be  better  to  change  the  name 
of  the  Department  of  State  to  the  Department  of  Inter¬ 
national  Good-will,  creating  within  it  two  divisions,  with 
separate  chiefs,  one  dealing  with  activities  for  the  pro¬ 
motion  of  good-will  and  the  other  with  treaties  and  strictly 
legal  relations  and  duties. 

But  if  America  were  determined  to  do  her  full  part 
in  promoting  the  reconciliation  of  the  nations  she  would 
have  to  go  further  than  the  program  suggested  above. 
The  mutual  wrongs  of  many  nations  during  past  decades 
and  centuries  have  been  so  many  and  so  great  that  the 
people  would  have  to  begin  their  mutual  reconciliations 
with  gracious  acts  of  forgiveness.  But  is  such  a  thing 
really  thinkable?  Is 'it  conceivable  that  France  could 
forgive  Germany  or  Germany  forgive  France  for  their 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


51 


mutual  wrongs  during  past  centuries?  And  how  about 
Russia  and  Poland,  Austria  and  Serbia,  Turkey  and 
Armenia,  China  and  Japan?  Before  any  real  reconcilia¬ 
tion  between  these  nations  can  possibly  take  place,  some¬ 
thing  must  happen;  important  moral  changes  must  occur 
in  one  nation  and  another.  And  what  part  could  America 
possibly  have  in  securing  these  reconciliations,  in  pro¬ 
moting  this  spirit  of  mutual  forgiveness?  It  is  certain 
that  none  of  these  things  can  occur  so  long  as  the  policies 
of  all  the  nations,  including  America,  are  dominated  by 
self-seeking  ambitions.  The  writer  firmly  believes,  how¬ 
ever,  that  international  reconciliation  is  a  practical  pos¬ 
sibility,  and  that  America  might  do  much  in  bringing 
it  to  pass. 

What  then  might  America  do?  First  of  all  she  should 
carefully  consider  the  debts  to  us  of  our  Allies  incurred 
during  the  war.  With  interest  these  debts  exceed  $11,- 
000,000,000.  The  annual  interest  amounts  to  some  $500,- 
000,000.  The  debts  were  incurred  while  we  were  making 
our  hurried  preparations  for  the  war.  The  money  was 
expended  entirely  in  this  country  for  food  and  clothing 
and  ammunition  for  the  Allies  which  enabled  them  to  go 
on  with  the  war,  holding  the  front  lines  till  we  could 
arrive.  Those  nations  supplied  young  men  by  the  mil¬ 
lion  who  did  the  fighting.  They  died  by  the  hundred 
thousand  in  holding  hack  the  foe.  We  merely  sold  them 
a  part  of  the  material  which  they  used.  FTo  one  denies 
the  legal  character  of  those  debts.  But  what  about  their 
moral  character?  Are  those  nations  indebted  to  us  finan¬ 
cially  and  we  not  indebted  to  them  morally  ?  Which  debt 
is  the  greater  ?  Can  they  be  balanced  ?  Can  America  now 
afford  to  insist  on  legal  technicalities  and  ignore  the  moral 
imperatives?  If  we  do,  what  will  be  our  moral  status 
among  the  nations?  Shall  we  be  a  Shylock,  ourselves 
enjoying  inestimable  blessings  yet  nevertheless  extracting 
the  utmost  farthing  from  stricken,  struggling  debtors. 
And  how  can  we  then  help  international  reconciliations? 


52  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


The  suggestion  has  been  made  that  America  should  can¬ 
cel  the  entire  debt  without  any  condition  or  stipulation 
whatever.1  This  suggestion  appeals  to  many  as  the  ideal 
and,  in  fact,  the  only  right  thing  to  do.  Were  cancellation 
to  insure  complete  reconciliation  of  the  nations,  few 
Americans  would  hesitate  to  advocate  it.  That,  however, 
which  gives  pause  to  not  a  few  noble-minded  men  in  con¬ 
sidering  this  suggestion  is  the  fighting  spirit  that  still 
dominates  many  of  the  nations  of  Europe,  and  the  way  in 
which  they  are  still  relying  on  large  armies  and  still  ex¬ 
pending  vast  sums  in  their  support.  The  mere  cancella¬ 
tion  of  debts  would  apparently  do  little  good.  It  would 
not  change  the  psychology  of  hostile  nations,  nor  put  an 
end  to  their  war-system,  their  war-spirit  and  their  war 
preparations. 

In  the  writer’s  judgment  the  true  course  for  America 
is  neither  uncompromising  insistence  on  payment  of  war 
debts  nor  unconditional  cancellation  of  those  debts.  We 
need  to  remember  that  the  real  purpose  of  the  American 
people  in  entering  the  war  and  in  putting  our  entire 
energy  into  it  without  stint  and  without  bargains  was 
because  we  desired  to  overthrow  the  haughty  autocracies 
that  were  threatening  the  entire  world.  We  wished  to 
make  the  world  a  decent  and  safe  place  to  live  in  for  all 

1  Some  writers  insist  that  even  from  the  mere  standpoint  of 
economics,  America  cannot  afford  to  receive  payment,  for  the  only 
payment  Europe  can  make  (as  she  does  not  have  the  gold)  is  in 
manufactured  goods.  To  receive  them,  however,  would  ruin  our  in¬ 
dustries.  Our  legislators  in  Washington  are  (as  we  write)  building 
high  tariff  walls  for  the  express  purpose  of  preventing  our  country 
from  being  flooded  with  European  products.  A  writer  (New  York 
Times  for  July  22,  1922)  points  out  that  since  France  is  to  receive 
52  per  cent  of  German  reparation  payments,  and  since  these  pro¬ 
posed  payments  have  been  radically  reduced  by  the  Reparations 
Commission,  if  she  were  required  to  repay  her  debts  to  England 
and  to  the  United  States  in  full  she  would  have  left  over  from  those 
reparation  payments  only  $300,000,000.  France  has  already  ex¬ 
pended  on  reparations,  however,  some  $8,000,000,000  and  is  planning 
to  expend  some  $4,000,000,000  more. 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


53 


nations.  Our  loans  and  our  fighting  were  all  directed  to 
this  end.  It  was  a  “war  to  end  war.” 

Has  not  the  time  come  for  the  Government  of  the 
LTnited  States  to  say  frankly  to  all  the  nations  of  Europe 
what  our  hopes  and  desires  have  been,  and  our  disappoint¬ 
ments  as  we  have  come  to  know  of  the  subtle  forces  and 
secret  treaties  and  selfish  ambitions  that  have  controlled 
the  policies  of  the  nations  in  making  peace  as  well  as  in 
waging  war?  Might  we  not  outline  the  terms  and  con¬ 
ditions  upon  which  we  would  be  willing  and  even  glad  to 
associate  ourselves  with  them  in  plans  for  a  really  warless 
world;  plans  for  equal  justice,  equal  security  and  equal 
economic  opportunity  for  all  ? 

The  writer  believes  that  a  frank  statement  and  a  clear- 
cut  plan  would  receive  universal  attention  and  acclaim 
from  the  peoples  of  Europe.  In  those  plans,  the  cancella¬ 
tion  of  debts,  the  rectification  of  past  wrongs  and  present 
injustice,  the  reduction  of  armaments,  and  the  establish¬ 
ment  of  effective  guarantees  for  national  security  and 
equality  of  economic  opportunity  would  he  vital  factors. 

Should  the  public  opinion  of  the  American  people  unite 
whole-heartedly  on  some  such  program  as  this,  providing 
also  for  deeds  of  good-will  involving  the  expenditure  by 
us  of  several  hundred  millions  annually,  would  not  ulti¬ 
mate  success  be  certain  ? 

The  criticism  that  Congress  has  no  right  to  collect  taxes 
for  foreign  philanthropy  and  education,  and  no  right  to 
remit  debts  out  of  pity  for  the  debtors,  misses  the  point. 
The  purpose  of  these  provisions  and  expenditures  is  not 
philanthropy  but,  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the  word,  “pre¬ 
paredness.”  If  we  should  spend  as  much  on  “constructive 
preparedness,”  in  cultivating  mutual  good-will  and  confi¬ 
dence  and  in  seeking  to  reconcile  the  nations,  as  we  spend 
on  “military  preparedness,”  getting  ready  to  destroy  our 
foes  in  case  of  conflict,  it  is  the  former  expenditures  that 
would  really  count  and  bring  in  the  largest  returns. 

Our  international  creed  proclaims  our  belief  that 


54  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


Christian  Patriotism  is  more  than  ordinary  patriotism 
in  that  it  demands  the  practice  of  deeds  of  good-will  to¬ 
ward  other  nations. 


6.  We  believe  that  international  policies  should  secure 

equal  justice  for  all  races . 

No  affirmation  of  Christianity  is  more  important  or 
fundamental  than  that  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Man.  Logi¬ 
cally  it  follows  the  affirmation  of  the  Fatherhood  of  God; 
practically  it  precedes.  It  was  the  belief  in  and  practice 
of  the  brotherhood  of  man  by  early  Christians  that  was 
the  convincing  evidence  of  the  Fatherhood  of  God  to  men 
of  other  races,  classes  and  religions.  The  two  affirmations 
stand  or  fall  together.  Vital  belief  in  either  carries  with 
it  as  a  matter  of  necessity  acceptance  of  the  other. 

The  modern  church,  however,  has  largely  abandoned 
this  fundamental  and  yital  truth  of  the  faith  it  professes 
to  believe.  It  talks,  indeed,  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Man. 
But  what  of  its  deeds?  These  speak  so  loudly  that  what 
it  says  can  scarcely  be  heard.  What  more  colossal  denial 
of  human  brotherhood  is  conceivable  than  the  raging 
tempest  of  hatred  and  carnage  that  ravished  Europe  for 
four  long  years  ?  What  had  the  churches  been  doing  dur¬ 
ing  the  decades  preceding?  If  the  brotherhood  of  men 
had  been  effectively  taught  by  the  Church,  if  it  had  been 
truly  believed  by  Christians,  and  had  been  really  prac¬ 
ticed  by  the  nations  during  those  years  before  the  Great 
War  is  it  conceivable  that  the  evil  spirit  could  have  sud¬ 
denly  taken  such  possession  of  the  nations  as  the  dreadful 
evidence  proves  altogether  too  convincingly?  But  the 
races  involved  in  that  strife  were  closely  related;  Ger¬ 
mans,  British,  French,  Italians,  Austrians,  Russians,  all 
of  them  sub-races  of  the  white  race  and  all  acknowledging 
their  common  faith  in  a  common  Lord.  They  constitute 
that  portion  of  mankind  that  has  longest  come  under  the 


IDEALS  FOE  A  WAELESS  WOELD 


55 


control  of  the  church  and  its  leaders.  Those  nations  have 
long  called  themselves  Christian. 

In  this  criticism  of  the  churches  we  must  not,  of  course, 
lose  sight  of  the  important  distinction  that  should  always 
be  made  between  aggressive  and  defensive  war.  It  indeed 
takes  two  to  make  a  war,  but  the  crime  of  the  war  lies 
upon  the  real  aggressor.  So  long  as  human  history  stands 
and  man’s  moral  ideals  exist,  Belgium  will  be  honored 
and  Germany  condemned  for  what  happened  in  Belgium 
in  1914-1918.  But  this  does  not  modify  the  point  of 
the  preceding  paragraph.  It  is  this :  That  in  no  country 
had  the  churches  been  preaching  the  brotherhood  of  man 
in  such  terms  and  with  such  insistence  as  to  prevent  war 
even  between  the  most  closely  related  peoples.  The 
churches,  in  fact,  had  not  been  thinking  of  world  peace 
nor  concerning  themselves  with  the  way  to  secure  it.  They 
had  not  conceived  of  the  church  as  responsible  for  the 
reconciliation  of  nations,  for  redeeming  the  world  from 
war.  These  human  needs  they  had  not  recognized  as 
“vital  interests”  of  the  Kingdom  of  God. 

Such  facts  and  such  considerations  well  nigh  shatter 
one’s  faith  and  destroy  one’s  hope.  Has  Christ  failed? 
Is  Christianity  vain  ?  Has  the  whole  Church  been 
apostate  ? 

Still  more  sobering  is  our  study  when  we  note  the 
prevailing  attitude  of  the  masses  of  Christians  in 
Christendom  to  men  of  more  distant  races  and  of  other 
colors.  For  centuries,  with  notable  exceptions,  Christians 
of  Christendom  have  arrogantly  prided  themselves  on 
their  race  superiority  over  the  races  of  Africa  and  Asia. 
They  have  not  only  looked  with  condescension  and  con¬ 
tempt  upon  those  races  of  different  hues  from  their  own, 
but  have  assumed  that  they  were  entitled  by  right  to  seize 
their  lands,  destroy  their  cultures,  carry  off  their  wealth, 
and  enslave  or  exploit  their  peoples.  This  has  gone  on 
from  century  to  century,  until  today  we  often  hear  the 
affirmation  of  “white  race  world  domination.”  It  was  the 


56  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


violent,  militaristic,  universal  claim  of  Deutschland  uher 
alles  that  more  than  any  other  one  thing  roused  the  wrath 
of  rival  white  nations.  Yet  it  is  that  same  spirit  of  race 
arrogance  that  finds  expression  in  the  slogan  “white  race 
superiority.” 

During  the  past  few  years  the  superiority  of  the 
“Nordic  Race”  has  been  asserted  by  a  group  of  anthropo¬ 
logical  faddists.  The  distinction  between  Nordic,  Alpine 
and  Mediterranean  peoples  may  be  valid  anthropologi¬ 
cally,  but  the  alleged  superiority  of  the  first  is  by  no  means 
so  marked  as  the  faddists  claim.  Some  dispute  it  alto¬ 
gether.  In  the  form  proclaimed  by  its  chief  advocates, 
however,  the  theory  is  highly  offensive,  and  also  truly 
subversive  of  the  best  elements  in  our  civilization.  Accord¬ 
ing  to  these  faddists,  however,  the  Nordics  throughout  his¬ 
tory  have  been  the  chief  promoters  of  war  and  are  thereby 
getting  themselves  exterminated.  Perhaps  this  is  a  part 
of  God’s  plan  for  setting  aside  a  gifted,  though  selfish, 
race. 

A  new  form  of  race  arrogance  is  rapidly  developing 
in  the  British  Empire  and  in  the  United  States :  the  arro¬ 
gance  of  Anglo-Saxons.  They  are  saying  that  the  peace 
and  prosperity  of  the  world  depends  on  “English-speaking 
peoples.”  There  is,  of  course,  no  intention  of  arrogance 
or  offense.  Its  advocates  honestly  and  naively  believe 
what  they  say.  There  is,  however,  only  a  modicum  of 
truth  in  their  slogan.  The  peace  and  welfare  of  the 
world  depend  in  no  small  degree  on  what  Germany  and 
Russia  do;  on  what  Japan  and  China  do;  and  on  what 
France  and  Italy  do.  It  is  not  wise  or  safe  for  any 
racial  or  linguistic  group  to  boast.  Already  non-English- 
speaking  peoples  are  feeling  hurt.  They  resent  our  calm 
assumptions.  While  advocates  of  the  solidarity  of  Eng¬ 
lish-speaking  peoples  do  not  propose  that  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States  should  use  their  navies  and  their 
gold  to  impose  an  Anglo-Saxon  peace  and  an  Anglo-Saxon 
civilization  on  other  lands  yet  exactly  that  is  the  meaning 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


57 


seen  by  non-English-speaking  thinkers,  in  these  boastful 
speeches. 

If  any  people  wishes  to  render  its  culture  and  ideals 
acceptable  to  other  peoples,  the  very  last  thing  to  do  is  to 
boast.  The  habit  of  boastfulness  is  an  evidence  of  in¬ 
feriority  rather  than  of  superiority.  Modesty  is  be¬ 
coming  in  a  people  and  a  race  as  well  as  in  an  individual. 
“Let  another  praise  thee”  is  a  wise,  though  ancient,  ad¬ 
monition. 

“And  if  a  stranger  shall  sojourn  among  you  ...  ye 
shall  have  one  ordinance  both  for  the  stranger  and  for 
him  that  was  born  on  the  land”  (Numbers  9  :13).  Ameri¬ 
cans  as  a  rule  think  that  the  alien  among  us  is  given  a 
fair  and  equal  chance.  Is  this  not  the  land  of  the  free? 
Have  not  millions  of  strangers  come  among  us  and  found 
this  country  and  its  institutions  so  attractive  that  they 
have  not  only  stayed  themselves,  becoming  citizens,  but 
have  sent  for  their  friends  and  kindred? 

It  is  nevertheless  true  that  multitudes  of  foreigners 
are  not  given  fair  and  equal  treatment.  The  laws  in  many 
states  are  both  hampering  and  humiliating.  In  Michigan 
an  alien  cannot  be  a  barber;  in  six  states  an  alien  cannot 
make  a  living  by  hunting  or  fishing;  in  Tennessee  he 
cannot  be  a  market  hunter;  in  Wyoming  he  cannot  be 
a  guide;  in  Georgia  he  cannot  be  a  peddler;  in  Pennsyl¬ 
vania  he  cannot  own  a  dog;  in  California  Japanese  and 
Chinese  cannot  lease  agricultural  land.  “One  cannot  read 
the  hundreds  of  discriminating  laws  without  a  sense  of 
the  utter  prostitution  of  American  citizenship  to  preju¬ 
dice,  race-hatred,  greed,  cupidity  and  to  the  selfishness 
of  groups  and  individuals.”  1 

But  the  situation  is  not  quite  so  black  and  dishearten¬ 
ing  as  first  appears.  The  story  of  William  Penn  and 
the  Indians  is  a  bright  gleam  out  of  the  gloom.  The 
flaming  zeal  of  men  and  women  to  free  the  negro  slave 

1  Keller :  “Straight  America,”  Chapter  IY. 


58  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


and  insure  for  him  full  justice  and  opportunity,  and, 
since  the  Civil  War,  the  schools  and  colleges  established 
in  Southern  States  to  express  and  make  real  the  faith  of 
earnest  souls  in  the  brotherhood  of  man  are  proofs  that 
the  ancient  faith  of  the  Church  still  lives.  The  foreign 
missionary  movement  referred  to  in  the  preceding  chapter 
inspires  hope.  For  a  hundred  years  from  Christian 
churches,  thousands  of  choice  men  and  women  have  gone 
to  men  of  other  colors  and  races,  to  live  among  them  the 
Christian  faith  in  its  early  sincerity  and  purity.  The 
reflex  influence  of  these  missionary  experiences  on  the 
churches  and  Christians  in  the  home  lands  is  a  source 
of  new  hope  and  a  factor  of  great  power  in  kindling 
afresh  the  ancient  faith. 

Among  the  many  excellent  provisions  of  the  Covenant 
of  the  League  of  Nations  is  one  that  relates  itself  directly 
to  the  sixth  article  of  our  international  creed.  It  declares 
that  “to  the  colonies  and  territories  (of  Germany)  .  .  . 
inhabited  by  peoples  not  yet  able  to  stand  by  themselves 
under  the  strenuous  conditions  of  the  modern  world, 
there  should  he  applied  the  principle  that  the  well-being 
and  development  of  such  peoples  form  a  sacred  trust  of 
civilization  and  that  securities  for  the  performance  of 
this  trust  should  be  embodied  in  this  Covenant”  (Article 
XXII).  This  is  a  new  ideal  for  the  nations  of  Europe. 
If  this  article  of  the  Covenant  is  carried  out  in  practice, 
it  may  well  he  called  the  “Magna  Charta  of  Race  Equal¬ 
ity” 

Whoever  followed  with  care  the  deliberations  of  the 
Paris  Peace  Conference  will  remember  the  request  of  the 
Japanese  for  an  article  in  the  Covenant  declaring  une¬ 
quivocally  that  as  between  the  member-nations  of  the 
League  the  principle  of  equality  of  race  treatment  should 
be  followed.  This  was  not  a  request  for  an  academic 
declaration  of  the  “equality  of  the  races.”  The  request 
was  nevertheless  misunderstood  and  misrepresented.  Many 
suspected  Japan  of  seeking  underhandedly  to  provide  for 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


59 


the  free  immigration  of  her  people  to  America  and  Aus¬ 
tralia.  The  J  apanese  delegates  declared  that  the 
principle  they  proposed  had  no  such  purpose;  that  the 
question  of  immigration  was  a  domestic  matter  which 
each  people  must  decide  for  itself.  They  insisted,  never¬ 
theless,  that  the  success  of  the  League  and  the  permanent 
peace  of  the  world  were  tied  up  with  the  question  of 
equality  of  race  treatment.  Refusal  to  grant  such  a  prin¬ 
ciple  by  any  race  was  humiliating  and  aggravating.  By 
this  contention  Japan  now  stands  before  the  world  as  a 
vigorous  champion  of  the  principle  that  “international 
policies  should  secure  equal  justice  for  all  races.77 

Our  creed  calls  us  to  new  effort.  If  we  look  and  long 
for  a  Warless  World,  we  see  and  we  say  that  first  among 
the  specific  items  of  our  practical  program  must  be  “equal 
justice  for  all  races.57  We  must  look  at  our  problem  and 
our  task  through  the  eyes  of  the  alien,  of  the  black  man 
and  the  brown  man  and  the  yellow  man.  We  must  ask 
what  it  is  that  distresses  his  soul,  that  makes  life  for  him 
bitter  and  the  future  dark.  As  followers  of  our  Master 
we  must  take  our  places  at  the  side  of  the  oppressed  and 
the  despised,  and  even  at  the  cost  of  personal  loss  we 
must  seek  for  him  the  justice  and  the  opportunity  that 
we  would  crave  for  ourselves.  And  these  efforts  for  equal 
justice  must  include  scrutiny  and  control  of  “international 
policies.77  America  should  grant  the  same  just  treatment 
to  Japanese  and  to  Chinese  that  it  grants  to  British  and 
French.  In  the  eyes  of  the  law  and  of  Government  there 
should  be  “no  respect  of  persons,77  no  discrimination  of 
races.  America  should  as  scrupulously  observe  its  treaty 
obligations  with  China  or  Haiti  as  with  Switzerland  or 
Denmark.  Faithful  observance  of  treaties  should  be  car¬ 
ried  out  as,  readily  for  nations  that  are  weak  as  for  those 
that  are  strong.  State  laws  which  humiliate  the  foreigners 
among  us  should  be  repealed. 

The  realization  of  these  ideals  in  national  practice, 
however,  depends  on  the  training  and  alertness  of 


60  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


Christian  citizens.  Sinister  and  selfish  forces  and  in¬ 
terests  are  many  and  keen  and  powerful,  seeking  private 
ends  regardless  of  right  and  truth  and  brotherliness. 
This  is  the  reason  why  Christian  citizens  who  are  serious 
with  the  program  for  a  Warless  World  must  maintain 
that  eternal  vigilance  which  is  the  price  not  only  of  liberty 
but  of  every  noble  goal. 


CHAPTER  V 


Ideals  That  Will  Create  a  Warless  World — 

(  Continued  ) 

7.  An  International  Association  of  Nations 


“Long  before  this  war  I  hoped  for  a  League  of  Nations  that 
would  be  united,  quick,  and  instant  to  prevent,  and,  if  need  be, 
to  punish,  violation  of  international  treaties,  of  public  right, 
of  national  independence,  and  would  say  to  nations  that  come 
forward  with  grievances  and  claims:  Tut  them  before  an  im¬ 
partial  tribunal.  If  you  can  win  at  this  bar,  you  will  get  what 
you  want ;  if  you  cannot,  you  shall  not  have  what  you  want,  and 
if  you  attempt  to  start  a  war  we  all  shall  adjudge  you  the 
common  enemy  of  humanity,  and  treat  you  accordingly/  As 
foot-pads,  safe-breakers,  burglars,  and  incendiaries  are  sup¬ 
pressed  in  nations,  so  those  who  would  commit  these  crimes, 
and  incalculably  more  than  these  crimes,  will  be  suppressed 
among  nations.” 


— Viscount  Grey. 


IDEALS  THAT  WILL  CREATE  A  WARLESS 

W  ORLD — Continued 


7.  We  believe  that  all  nations  should  associate  them¬ 
selves  permanently  for  world  peace  and  good-will . 

Federations  of  tribes  and  of  nations  have  often  been 
formed  for  mutual  protection  and  advantage.  But  a  new 
ideal  has  been  growing  for  centuries:  the  ideal  of  co¬ 
operation  of  nations  to  secure  international  justice  and 
thus  to  maintain  enduring  peace. 

Podiebrad,  King  of  Bohemia,  proposed  (1462)  the 
establishment  of  a  Federation  of  Christian  Rations,  hav¬ 
ing  a  parliament,  a  judicial  tribunal  and  an  international 
military  force. 

The  frightful  consequences  of  European  wars  have  led 
earnest  men  of  every  century  since  Podiebrad  to  make 
similar  proposals.  E meric  Cruce  (1623)  urged  arbitra¬ 
tion  of  international  difficulties  in  a  general  conference 
of  ambassadors.  Henry  IV  of  Prance  in  “The  Great 
Design”  (1638)  proposed  a  federation  of  the  European 
States  with  a  central  senate,  proportionate  contributions 
from  the  nations  to  support  an  army  and  navy  and  the 
substitution  of  legal  methods  for  the  settlement  of  diffi¬ 
culties  instead  of  war.  He  wished  “to  divide  Europe 
equally  among  a  certain  number  of  powers,  in  such  a 
manner  that  none  of  them  might  have  cause  either  of 
envy  or  fear  from  the  possessions  or  powers  of  the  others.” 
He  labored  to  procure  the  happiness  of  Europe  in  general. 

William  Penn  proposed  a  plan  for  the  Peace  of  Europe 

by  the  establishment  of  a  “European  Dyet,  Parliament 

63 


64  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


or  Estates.”  He  believed  that  the  end  of  government 
was  the  prevention  or  cure  of  disorder;  that  justice  was 
a  means  of  peace  rather  than  of  war;  and  that  justice  was 
the  fruit  of  government,  as  government  was  the  result  of 
society.  He  believed  that  all  disputes  could  be  success¬ 
fully  dealt  with  if  only  all  the  Sovereign  Princes  of 
Europe  who  represent  society  would,  for  love  of  peace 
and  order,  agree  to  meet  by  their  stated  Deputies  in  a 
General  Dyet,  Estates  or  Parliament,  and  there  estab¬ 
lish  Rules  of  Justice  for  Sovereign  Princes  to  observe, 
one  toward  another. 

Hugo  Grotius  (1625)  published  “The  Rights  of  W7ar 
and  Peace.”  “Of  all  works,”  said  Andrew  D.  White,  “not 
claiming  to  be  inspired,  this  has  proved  the  greatest 
blessing  to  mankind.”  It  was  the  first  great  attempt  to 
deduce  a  principle  of  right  and  philosophic  basis  for 
society.  Grotius  proposed  conferences  of  independent  and 
equal  states  in  which  their  disputes,  not  otherwise  settled, 
should  be  adjusted  by  diplomatic  negotiations. 

Kant  issued  his  essay  “Perpetual  Peace”  in  1795.  The 
establishment  of  perpetual  peace,  he  maintained,  depends 
on  the  overthrow  of  absolute  monarchies  and  the  estab¬ 
lishment  of  democracies  in  all  the  important  nations.  The 
world  federation  must  consist  of  free  states,  self-governing 
and  voluntarily  sharing  in  the  federation.  The  federation 
should  hold  its  congress  and  establish  “public  law”;  the 
differences  between  nations  would  then  be  settled  “by  civil 
judicature  as  between  individuals  instead  of  resorting  to 
war,  a  means  of  redress  worthy  only  of  barbarians.” 

Kant  demanded  that  the  “civil  constitution  in  every 
state  should  be  republican”  (by  which  he  meant  the  politi¬ 
cal  severance  of  the  executive  from  the  legislative  power 
in  the  government)  ;  “that  the  right  of  nations  should 
be  founded  on  a  federation  of  free  states;  and  that  the 
rights  of  men  as  citizens  of  the  world  in  a  cosmopolitical 
system  should  be  restricted  to  conditions  of  universal 
hospitality.”  (By  “hospitality”  he  meant  that  a  stranger 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


65 


in  another  land  was  not  to  be  treated  as  an  enemy  by  the 
citizens  of  that  land.) 

These  splendid  plans  and  far-reaching  ideals  have  never 
been  put  into  actual  operation.  Certain  attempts,  how¬ 
ever,  have  been  made.  One  of  the  best  known  of  these 
was  the  Holy  Alliance  of  1815,  set  up,  upon  the  overthrow 
of  Hapoleon,  by  Great  Britain,  Austria,  Prussia  and  Rus¬ 
sia,  the  four  great  powers  of  the  day.  This  Alliance  was 
founded  on  mutual  guarantees  to  see  that  peace  was  main¬ 
tained  and  that  various  treaties  were  faithfully  executed. 
Its  weakness  was  that  no  international  administrative 
organ  was  created.  But  the  main  reason  for  the  failure 
of  that  experiment  was  that  its  purpose  was  to  preserve 
the  interests  of  princes,  not  of  peoples.  The  end  in  view 
was  the  guarantee  of  specific  territorial  arrangements, 
rather  than  a  guarantee  of  international  justice  and  law 
and  the  administration  of  general  principles  to  be  impar¬ 
tially  applied. 

Hapoleon  ended  his  belligerent  career  at  Waterloo 
(1815).  Thoughtful  men  at  once  began  fresh  discussions 
of  ways  to  prevent  war.  The  Hew  York  Peace  Society 
was  founded  that  very  year.  Many  others  followed.  The 
American  Peace  Society  was  organized  in  1828,  uniting 
them  all  in  a  national  movement.  In  1840  William  Ladd 
published  his  great  work  “A  Congress  of  Rations,”  re¬ 
printed  in  1916. 

Slowly  the  nations  have  been  preparing  for  the  great 
step.  The  Czar  of  Russia  called  (1898)  a  conference 
of  twenty-six  nations  to  consider  the  limitation  of  arma¬ 
ments.  His  call  was  met  with  derision  but  it  started  a 
new  era.  One  hundred  delegates  assembled  at  The  Hague, 
May  18,  1899.  The  Congress  lasted  for  three  months  and 
was  well-nigh  wrecked  by  German  hostility.  But  a  “per¬ 
manent  International  Tribunal  of  Arbitration”  was  pro¬ 
vided  for;  it  was  established  by  the  nations  in  April, 
1901.  The  Court  soon  decided  several  important  cases 
and  justified  the  expectations  of  its  promoters. 


66  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


At  the  Second  Hague  Conference  (1907)  forty-six 
nations  were  represented;  practically  the  whole  civilized 
world.  Two  hundred  and  fifty-six  delegates  unanimously 
passed  fourteen  important  resolutions,  one  of  which  de¬ 
clared  for  a  permanent  international  tribunal  of  justice. 

The  nations,  however,  have  been  so  careful  to  maintain 
their  absolute,  unlimited  sovereignty  as  to  prevent  the 
creation  of  an  effective,  international  executive  organ. 
They  preferred  to  depend  on  promises  and  agreements 
without  administrative  machinery  back  of  them.  This 
system  has  proved  insufficient  to  prevent  their  violation 
at  will  by  any  powerful  nation.  The  violation  by  Ger¬ 
many  of  the  solemnly  pledged  neutrality  of  Belgium  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Great  War  is  but  one  instance  of  the 
futility  of  the  system. 

Tennyson’s  dream  of  “the  parliament  of  man,  the  fed¬ 
eration  of  the  world”  (“Locksley  Hall”)  has  at  times 
seemed  near  fulfillment.  Besides  the  two  Hague  confer¬ 
ences,  the  frequent  Pan-American  congresses  have  met 
regularly.  The  most  recent  international  peace  gathering 
was  the  Conference  on  Limitation  of  Armaments  held 
in  Washington  during  the  fall  and  winter  of  1921-1922. 
But  all  these  conferences  have  been  characterized  by  a 
fundamental  defect.  They  have  not  established  regular 
and  permanent  organs  of  international  administration. 
They  pass,  indeed,  measures  of  international  legislation. 
They  set  up  ideals,  formulate  plans,  make  treaties  and 
solemn  agreements.  They  have,  also,  even  established  in¬ 
ternational  committees  and  commissions  for  doing  a  cer¬ 
tain  narrowly  limited  work.  All  this  is  to  the  good.  But 
they  have  not  established  broadly  inclusive,  comprehen¬ 
sive,  thoroughly  co-ordinated  administrative  agencies  for 
doing  the  larger  things  that  must  he  done  by  them  all 
together  if  world  justice  and  world  peace  are  to  he  per¬ 
manently  secured. 

The  test  of  the  sincerity  of  proclaimed  ideals  and  be¬ 
liefs  is  the  conduct  they  produce.  Vociferous  affirmations 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


67 


of  the  six  splendid  articles  in  our  creed  thus  far  discussed 
amount  to  nothing  unless  they  lead  to  action.  Deeds  are 
what  finally  count,  not  words.  Words  are  useful;  analysis 
and  discussion  are  necessary;  ideals  are  inspiring.  But 
they  signify  nothing  if  they  bring  no  results  in  conduct. 
The  acid  test  of  a  man’s  faith  is  whether  or  not  he  sin¬ 
cerely  seeks  to  practice  that  faith. 

Peace  between  nations,  as  between  individuals,  is  the 
outcome  of  justice;  justice  is  attained  through  law;  law 
is  established  by  an  organized  and  an  orderly  society.  A 
properly  organized  society  of  nations,  therefore,  is  essen¬ 
tial  to  a  Warless  World.  Such  a  society  must  include  all 
the  important  nations;  otherwise  its  operations  will  not 
be  universal  nor  its  benefits  world-wide.  The  spirit  of 
such  a  society  must  be  fundamentally  a  spirit  of  mutual 
good-will.  Into  such  a  society,  however,  no  nation  should 
be  forced  to  enter,  for  liberty,  not  compulsion,  is  the  very 
essence  of  justice  and  good-will. 

In  the  winter  and  spring  of  1919  the  hopes  of  the  world 
were  centered  on  Paris.  In  the  Armistice  on  November 
11,  1918,  all  the  warring  nations  agreed  to  make  the 
“Fourteen  Points”  of  President  Wilson’s  program  the 
guiding  principles  on  which  to  make  the  peace.  General 
justice  for  all  was  the  declared  aim.  No  root  of  bitter¬ 
ness  nor  seeds  of  future  war  were  to  be  left.  The  “war 
to  end  war”  was  ended;  the  chief  need  of  the  world  was 
to  create  the  institutions  of  justice,  security  and  per¬ 
manent  peace.  A  new  organization  of  the  nations  was  to 
usher  in  a  new  era  of  prosperity,  administer  the  terms 
of  the  treaty,  and  assure  equal  economic  opportunity  and 
honor  for  all.  The  “Treaty  of  Versailles”  was  the  out¬ 
come  of  that  Conference — a  bitter'  disappointment  to 
millions. 

The  “League  of  Nations”  was  established,  whose  charter 
and  foundation  was  the  “Covenant.”  Fifty-one  nations 
soon  joined  in  it,  and  today  it  is  beginning  its  work  among 
the  nations  of  Europe.  Advocates  of  a  Warless  World 


68  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


should  examine  that  Covenant  and  ponder  on  the  forces 
that  framed  that  Treaty.  After  months  of  study,  dis¬ 
cussion,  and  a  Presidential  election,  both  the  Covenant 
and  the  Treaty  were  rejected  by  the  United  States. 
Whatever  one’s  attitude  may  be  to  the  outcome  of  that 
long  political  struggle,  one  must  acknowledge  that  the 
ideal  of  a  world  peace  system  has  gripped  the  minds  and 
hearts  of  millions  of  the  world’s  best  thinkers.  All  lovers 
of  a  Warless  World  are  persuaded  that  some  time,  some 
how,  somewhere,  the  practical  proposal  will  be  found 
on  which  all  nations  can  unite  and  an  all-inclusive  world 
peace  system  be  finally  established.  Without  doubt,  how¬ 
ever,  the  existing  League  of  Nations  is  the  most  inclusive 
international  organization  ever  effected.  The  nations  that 
compose  it  have  pledged  themselves  to  confer  and  co¬ 
operate  on  all  matters  pertaining  to  international  justice 
and  world  peace. 

Viscount  Grey  declared  that  the  Great  War  came  very 
largely  by  default.  Statesmen  were  under  no  obligation 
to  confer.  There  was  no  regular  international  agency 
with  authority  to  examine  the  disputes  of  the  nations. 
He  indeed  urged  the  statesmen  of  Europe  to  get  together 
and  talk  over  their  differences;  but  they  did  not  want 
to  confer,  and  there  was  no  obligation.  No  international 
agency,  moreover,  existed  that  could  so  delay  the  mobiliza¬ 
tion  and  the  marching  of  armies  as  to  give  time  to  hear. 
Each  war-lord  felt  it  necessary  to  be  first  on  the  field  to 
secure  the  initial  advantage. 

The  League  of  Nations,  however,  is  equipped  to  deal 
with  just  such  situations.  It  has  various  specific  plans 
for  preventing  war;  for  demanding  arbitration;  for  pro¬ 
tecting  minorities  and  dependent  peoples;  for  safeguard¬ 
ing  health ;  and  for  preventing  traffic  in  arms,  in  women 
and  children,  in  opium  and  drugs.  It  has  been  created  to 
supplement,  not  to  usurp,  the  powers  of  the  various 
nations.  Its  primary  purpose  is  to  correlate  all  the  nations 
in  that  great  task  which  they  can  accomplish  only  to- 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


69 


gether.  International  justice  can  be  secured  and  peace 
can  be  maintained  by  the  nations,  only  when  they  act 
together.  Behind  such  an  international  correlating  agency, 
however,  there  must  be  popular  support  in  every  land. 
The  League’s  strength  lies  in  the  “interest,  support,  and 
confidence  of  the  public”  (Sweetser).1 

In  concluding  this  brief  statement  about  the  League  of 
Nations  it  should  be  noted  that  there  is  still  a  sharp 
division  of  opinion  in  America  in  regard  to  the  matter. 
While  some  ardently  believe  in  and  advocate  the  League, 
others  as  ardently  disbelieve  in  and  oppose  it.  The  latter 
hold  that  at  present  it  is  impotent  and  useless;  that  it 
has  thus  far  accomplished  little  or  nothing;  that  the  pow¬ 
erful  governments  of  Europe  ignore  and  humiliate  it ;  that 
it  is,  in  ideal  and  aim,  a  superstate,  based  on  force;  that 
it  will  in  time  coerce  the  nations ;  and  that  instead  of 
making  for  world  peace  it  will  surely  lead  to  world 
war. 

Some  Americans  feel  that  the  world,  being  what  it 
is  today,  makes  impracticable  an  all-inclusive  League 
having  executive  functions.  They  hold  that  the  only 
wise  and  practicable  form  for  a  League  that  seeks  to  in¬ 
clude  all  nations,  at  least  in  its  initial  stages,  and  per¬ 
haps  for  many  decades,  would  be  a  body  that  has  only 
consultative  powers. 

Manifestly  this  entire  question  demands  careful,  im- 


1  Students  interested  in  the  actual  working  of  the  League  of 
Nations,  in  addition  to  consulting  the  “League  of  Nations  Year 
Book”  by  Dr.  Levermore,  should  not  fail  to  read  in  the  Atlantic 
Monthly  for  August,  1922,  an  article  by  Raymond  Fosdick  sum¬ 
marizing  the  accomplishments  of  the  League  during  its  first  two 
years  of  service.  They  will  also  desire  to  know  of  the  Monthly 
Summary  issued  by  the  League  (World  Peace  Foundation,  40  Mt. 
Vernon  Street,  Boston,  Mass.;  annual  subscription  $1.75)  and  the 
various  pamphlets  issued  by  the  League  of  Nations  Union  ( 15 
Grosvenor  Crescent,  London,  S.  W.  1).  An  8-page  leaflet  (No.  90, 
free)  describes  the  attitude  and  work  of  the  British  Churches  in  re¬ 
gard  to  the  League  of  Nations. 


70  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


partial  study.  How  is  world  justice  to  be  attained  and 
world  peace  maintained  ?  Is  the  old  system  of  three 
score  absolutely  independent,  sovereign  nations  compatible 
with  present  world  conditions,  scientific,  economic,  in¬ 
dustrial,  commercial  and  financial  ?  If  some  sort  of  new 
correlation  and  association  of  nations  is  imperative,  what 
form  should  it  take?  These  are  questions  of  the  highest 
importance  for  patriotic  citizens  and  for  loyal  Christians. 
We  must  find  positive,  constructive,  practical  ways  by 
which  all  the  great  nations  can  work  together  for  world 
justice  and  world  peace,  or  we  shall  all  go  down  together 
in  fratricidal  destruction. 

Because  the  United  States  was  not  a  member  of  the 
League  of  Nations  and  because  the  naval  competition  of 
Great  Britain,  Japan  and  the  United  States,  and  their 
naval  interests  in  the  Pacific  were  creating  possibilities 
of  fresh  international  disaster,  the  Conference  on  Limi¬ 
tation  of  Armament  was  called  by  President  Harding. 
It  convened  in  Washington  November  11,  1921,  and  ac¬ 
complished  far  more  than  many  anticipated.  A  ten-year 
naval  holiday  was  accepted  by  five  nations.  Four  great 
powers  in  the  Pacific  agreed  to  consult  together  should 
threatening  difficulties  develop  in  regard  to  their  island 
possessions  in  that  ocean.  Agreements  were  made  by  nine 
nations  in  regard  to  China’s  rights  and  their  common 
interests  in  that  land  of  enormous  possibilities. 

The  Washington  Conference  secured  results  for  which 
all  should  be  deeply  grateful.  But  mighty  tasks  still 
confront  our  nation  and  all  the  nations  before  we  shall 
realize  our  ideal  of  a  Warless  World.  We  must  remember 
that  capital  ships  have  largely  lost  their  significance. 
Provision  has  not  yet  been  made  for  the  general  reduction 
of  land  armaments.  Chemical,  aeroplane  and  submarine 
warfare  still  threatens  the  nations.  These  new  weapons 
have  created  new  problems  of  the  gravest  character  for 
the  entire  world.  How  can  they  be  abolished,  or  even 
limited,  so  long  as  war  and  preparation  for  war  are  recog- 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


71 


nized  as  legitimate  methods  by  which  civilized  peoples 
may  seek  to  secure  their  national  objectives? 

It  is  clear  that  war  itself  must  be  outlawed.  There  is 
one  way,  however,  and  only  one  way  to  outlaw  war.  We 
must  establish  a  world  peace  system.  Mere  disarmament 
by  itself  will  not  stop  war  nor  insure  a  Warless  World. 
Only  the  firm  establishment  of  the  institutions  and 
agencies  of  justice  and  of  liberty  under  law,  maintained 
by  effective  sanctions  at  the  hands  of  law-abiding  and 
peace-loving  nations,  can  possibly  banish  war  from  this 
war-cursed  world.  The  most  urgent  need  of  mankind 
today  is  the  speedy  establishment  of  international  institu¬ 
tions  to  assure  equal  justice,  full  security  and  fair  eco¬ 
nomic  opportunity  for  all  nations  alike.  These  are  essen¬ 
tial  prerequisites  to  permanent  peace. 

The  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in 
America  in  a  “Declaration  of  Ideals  and  Policy  Looking 
Toward  a  Warless  World,”  adopted  December  16,  1921, 
made  the  following  significant  utterance: 

1.  We  believe  that  the  government  of  the  United  States 
should  associate  itself  promptly  with  the  other  nations  of  the 
world  to  establish  permanent  institutions  for  the  formula¬ 
tion  of  international  law,  for  the  effective  operation  of  the 
International  Court  of  Justice  and  of  boards  of  arbitration 
and  conciliation,  for  the  assurance  to  law-abiding  and  peace- 
loving  nations  of  security  from  attack  and  spoliation  by  any 
lawless  and  aggressive  nation,  and  for  the  provision  of  fair 
treatment  and  equal  economic  opportunity  to  all. 

2.  We  believe  that  only  by  these  institutions  and  agencies 
will  it  be  possible  and  practicable  to  abolish  the  menace  to 
the  entire  human  race  of  submarines,  of  aeroplanes,  and  of 
poison  gases. 

3.  We  believe,  further,  that  the  reconstruction  of  the  shat¬ 
tered  institutions  of  production,  of  exchange,  of  trade,  and 
of  credit,  all  so  essential  to  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the 
nations,  is  possible  only  when  the  feverish  fears  and  prepa¬ 
rations  for  possible  war  are  completely  abandoned  because  of 
the  successful  functioning  of  the  institutions  of  an  effective 
world  peace  system. 


72  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 

4.  We  take  the  above  stand  remembering: 

a.  That  practically  every  important  nation  in  the  world 
has  committed  itself  to  the  idea  of  a  permanent 
organization  of  the  nations  for  world  peace,  and 
many  of  them  have  associated  themselves  in  a  League 
of  Nations  for  that  purpose. 

b.  That  President  Harding  has  repeatedly  committed 
himself  and  his  Administration  to  a  permanent  asso¬ 
ciation  of  the  nations  for  world  peace,  renewed  in 
his  recent  address  at  the  opening  of  the  Washington 
Conference  in  the  memorable  words  that  the  United 
States  co-operating  with  other  nations,  desires  “to 
do  that  nobler  thing  which  no  nation  can  do  alone.” 

5.  We  believe  that  the  time  has  come  for  American  public 
opinion  to  express  unmistakably  to  Congress  its  emphatic 
support  of  President  Harding  and  of  the  Administration  in 
making  adequate  pledges  and  in  giving  satisfactory  guaran¬ 
tees  that  the  United  States  will  take  its  full  share  of  respon¬ 
sibility  in  international  tasks  and  obligations. 

6.  We  reject  with  indignation  a  policy  of  taking  all  possible 
economic  advantages  in  all  parts  of  the  world  while  shirking 
international  responsibilities  and  obligations. 

7.  We  advocate  the  foregoing  policy,  remembering  the 
numerous  actions  of  the  Federal  Council  from  its  very  in¬ 
ception  in  1905,  and  repeated  at  practically  every  annual 
meeting  since,  urging  the  creation  of  a  permanent  organiza¬ 
tion  of  the  nations  for  world  peace,  which  policy  has  also  been 
repeatedly  expressed  in  numberless  actions  of  our  constituent 
bodies  during  the  past  decade. 


CHAPTER  VI 

Ideals  That  Will  Create  a  Warless  World — 

(  Continued) 

8.  International  Law 
Courts  of  Justice 
Boards  of  Arbitration 


“The  hope  of  the  future  is  the  development  of  that  com¬ 
munity  life  among  nations  that  already  exists  among  individ¬ 
uals  in  the  state.  The  new  world  will  come  only  when  the 
nations  realize  that  they  are  all  linked  up  together  for  weal  or 
woe,  and  when  nations  organize  their  relationships  on  the  same 
high  principles  that  obtain  among  all  good  men.” 

— Frederick  Lynch. 


IDEALS  THAT  WILL  CREATE  A  WARLESS 

W  ORLD — Continued 


8.  We  believe  in  international  law  and  in  the  universal 

use  of  international  courts  of  justice  and  boards  of 

arbitration. 

International  law  in  a  proper  sense  of  the  word  does 
not  yet  exist.  Hot  until  a  general  conference  of  peace- 
loving  nations  is  held,  by  which  general  principles  are 
formulated,  codified  and  accepted,  for  the  regulation  of 
their  relations,  which  principles  shall  be  the  standards 
by  which  the  conduct  of  nations  is  to  be  approved  as 
legitimate,  or  condemned  as  illegitimate,  will  there  be  in 
any  adequate  sense  “International  Law.” 

A  treaty  is  an  agreement,  usually  between  two  govern¬ 
ments,  giving  and  receiving  reciprocal  privileges  and 
assurances  for  the  fair  treatment  of  each  other’s  citizens 
or  subjects.  Treaties  thus  embody  principles  of  interna¬ 
tional  conduct.  Lawyers  have  analyzed  and  grouped  these 
principles  together;  these  are  what  popular  language  re¬ 
fers  to  as  “International  Law.”  Any  nation,  however, 
can  at  will  repudiate  its  treaties  and  violate  all  the  so- 
called  international  laws  and  still  be  within  its  “legal 
rights.”  For  there  are,  in  fact,  no  “legal  rights”  and 
no  laws  to  be  violated.  An  individual  cannot  abrogate  a 
law,  though  he  may  violate  it.  Only  the  authority  that 
enacts  a  law  can  repeal  it.  Only  a  society  of  nations  can 
really  establish  international  law.  In  that  case  no  single 
nation  could  abrogate  it,  although  it  might  violate  it. 
Germany  or  its  Kaiser  could  not  be  tried  for  declaring 


76  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


war,  because  there  was  no  international  law  making  the 
beginning  of  war  illegal  and  a  crime. 

At  present,  therefore,  treaties  between  pairs  of  nations 
constitute  only  an  approach  to  international  law.  They 
usually  include  specific  details  and  trade  agreements  that 
are  not  capable  of  general  application.  They  correspond 
thus  to  contracts  between  individuals  rather  than  to  laws. 

“Thou  shalt  not  kill” ;  “thou  shalt  not  steal” ;  “thou 
shalt  not  bear  false  witness”  are  moral  laws ;  but  they  are 
also  declarative  laws  contained  in  the  codes  of  all  civilized 
nations.  As  formulated,  codified  and  ofiicially  promul¬ 
gated,  they  are  man-made  laws.  They  express,  however, 
fundamental  principles  of  right  living  in  the  personal 
relations  of  man  with  man.  In  this  sense  they  are  the 
eternal,  immutable,  moral  laws  of  God.  Whether  or  not 
they  are  codified  and  adopted  by  a  people,  they  neverthe¬ 
less  are  inescapably  and  eternally  operative.  A  people 
among  whom  these  principles  of  right  relations  are  ig¬ 
nored  and  frequently  violated  cannot  prosper.  Con¬ 
versely,  their  universal  observance  brings  welfare  and 
prosperity. 

Although  God’s  laws  are  always  and  inescapably  oper¬ 
ative,  experience  shows  that  great  advantage  comes  to  a 
people  that  expresses  these  imminent  and  eternal  prin¬ 
ciples  in  declarative  laws.  They  can  then  be  easily 
taught.  As  a  declarative  law  these  all-important  prin¬ 
ciples  can  be  widely  enforced  by  the  state.  A  community 
of  peace-loving  men  and  women,  by  the  enactment  and 
steady  enforcement  of  declarative  laws  for  the  common 
good,  in  harmony  with  fundamental  principles  of  general 
justice  and  universal  right,  can  largely  repress  the  few 
lawless  individuals  who  have  little  regard  for  the  welfare 
and  the  rights  of  fellow-men,  and  thus  can  secure  a  far 
more  general  obedience  to  God’s  laws  than  where  such 
methods  are  not  adopted. 

Reflection  shows  that  men  do  not  invent  or  create  moral 
laws,  they  only  discover  and  state  them.  The  wisdom  and 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


77 


value  of  declarative  laws  depend  on  the  accuracy  and  ade¬ 
quacy  of  their  formulation  of  the  eternal  principles  of 
right  and  friendly  human  relations. 

Not  otherwise  is  it  in  international  and  inter-racial 
relations.  There  are  immutable  and  eternal  principles, 
obedience  to  which  determines  the  welfare  of  peoples  in 
their  group  relations.  Wars  come  from  their  violation. 
The  clear  formulation  of  these  principles  by  nations  that 
desire  to  live  a  right  international  life,  and  their  general 
and  formal  adoption  by  all  the  principal  nations  would 
go  far  toward  securing  their  universal  observance. 

The  progress  of  man  throughout  the  ages  has  been  due 
to  the  increasing  areas  of  his  life  that  have  been  removed 
from  the  realm  of  caprice  and  chance  and  brought  under 
the  control  of  reason,  law  and  order.  Contrary  to  what 
might  have  been  expected,  every  step  forward  in  the 
dominance  of  reason  and  in  the  control  of  proper  laws 
has  been  a  step  into  freedom  as  well  as  into  prosperity. 

No  more  pressing  need  confronts  the  world  today  than 
the  codification  of  international  law  and  its  formal  ac¬ 
ceptance  by  every  civilized  nation.  It  is  fundamental 
to  an  orderly  world ;  to  the  outlawing  of  war.  The  nations 
of  the  world  need  for  their  guidance  “a  hill  of  rights”  and 
a  declaration  of  “duties.”1  Such  a  hill  and  such  a  declara¬ 
tion  would  constitute  a  Magna  Charta  for  all  nations, 
great  and  small.  They  would  establish  a  new  freedom, 
banish  international  fear,  cast  out  suspicion,  and  start 
the  nations  on  a  new  era  of  prosperity  because  all  their 
energies  could  then  he  directed  to  production  and  de¬ 
velopment  instead  of,  as  at  present,  being  directed  so 
largely  to  protection. 

To  make  international  law  effective  there  must  be 
appropriate  courts.  When  disputes  develop  between  in¬ 
dividuals,  or  when  a  manifest  wrong  has  been  committed 
by  one  individual  upon  another,  society  requires  that 


1  Cf.  Appendix. 


78  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


the  matter  be  brought  into  court.  It  does  not  permit  the 
one  suffering  the  wrong  “to  take  the  law  into  his  own 
hands.”  Centuries  of  experience  show  that  even  when 
the  case  is  apparently  quite  clear,  the  welfare  of  society 
and  the  attainment  of  justice  require  that  the  application 
of  the  law  shall  be  made  by  an  impartial  court.  “Mob 
Law”  is,  in  practice,  no  law  at  all. 

When  disputes  arise  and  wrongs  are  committed,  the 
parties  to  the  dispute  and  their  immediate  friends  are, 
as  a  rule,  so  affected  that  they  are  unable  to  see  what 
justice  is  and  requires.  Neither  accuser  nor  accused  is 
competent  to  weigh  the  evidence,  understand  all  the  facts, 
apply  the  law  and  render  a  fair  judgment.  No  one  is 
fit  to  be  the  attorney,  judge,  jury  and  executor  in  his  own 
case.  For  these  reasons  society  has  created  courts  with 
defined  procedures,  and  judges,  juries  and  administrative 
officers.  By  these  means  justice  is  fairly  secure  and  peace 
between  individuals  is  in  the  large  maintained.  But  for 
these  agencies  of  justice  and  peace,  violence  would  be 
general  and  civilization  would  disappear. 

Not  otherwise  is  it  in  the  relations  of  nations.  War 
as  a  means  of  international  justice  is  an  absurdity.  Vic¬ 
tory  does  not  prove  who  is  right  but  only  who  is  strong. 
The  administration  of  justice  with  liberty  under  law  and 
the  preservation  of  order  have  made  far  more  progress 
within  each  of  the  great  nations  than  they  have  in  the 
mutual  relations  of  those  same  nations.  Internationally 
speaking,  we  are  still  in  the  predatory  stage  of  life.  We 
need  now  to  put  into  practice  in  international  relations 
the  same  principles  and  procedures  that  have  been  found 
to  work,  on  the  whole,  so  well  in  local  and  individual 
relations.  To  establish  international  rights,  to  secure  in¬ 
ternational  justice,  and  to  preserve  international  peace 
we  must  enact  international  law  and  establish  interna¬ 
tional  courts.  Nations,  we  now  clearly  see,  are  no  more 
competent  than  individuals  to  decide  what  justice  requires 
in  disputes  involving  their  interests.  Antiquated  methods 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


79 


of  primitive  society  for  settling  inter-tribal  disputes 
should  be  abandoned.  True  international  courts,  operating 
under  true  international  laws  and  administered  by  trained 
and  disinterested  judges,  constitute  the  road  along  which 
the  nations  must  move  if  general  peace  through  justice 
is  to  be  maintained  and  world  civilization  is  to  be  ad¬ 
vanced. 

An  event  of  world  significance  occurred  February  15, 
1922,  when  the  “solemn  opening”  of  the  Permanent  Court 
of  International  Justice  officially  took  place  at  The  Hague. 
This  Court  was  the  creation  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
and  was  established  by  the  official  acts  of  forty-five  na¬ 
tions.  Its  creation  was  provided  for  in  the  Covenant  of 
the  League,  that  special  article  having  been  proposed  by 
the  New  York  Bar  Association.  In  drafting  the  con¬ 
stitution  of  the  Court,  expert  lawyers  were  invited  from 
many  nations,  among  them  former  Secretary  of  State 
Elihu  Root.  The  fifteen  Judges  of  the  Court  are  elected 
by  the  Assembly  and  the  Council  of  the  League,  each 
acting  separately.  The  Judges  are  chosen  on  grounds 
of  personal  qualifications  and  not  as  representing  any 
nation.  Although  the  United  States  is  not  a  member  of 
the  League  of  Nations,  a  distinguished  American  lawyer 
was  elected  to  be  one  of  the  Judges,  Hon.  John  Bassett 
Moore.  This,  however,  does  not  make  the  United  States 
a  member  or  a  supporter  of  the  Court.  For  official  co¬ 
operation  and  membership  in  the  Court  an  Act  of  Con¬ 
gress  will  be  necessary. 

Whatever  may  be  one’s  judgment  as  to  the  wisdom  or 
unwisdom  of  America’s  membership  in  the  League  of 
Nations,  few  Americans  question  the  desirability  of  full 
membership  in  and  support  of  the  Court.  Its  existence 
is  due  more  to  American  ideas,  plans  and  advocacy  during 
many  decades  than  to  those  of  any  other  people.  The  hope 
of  an  orderly  world  lies  in  the  substitution  of  law  and 
reason  for  bare  brute  force  in  the  settlement  of  disputes 
between  nations.  America  should  lend  the  force  of  its 


80  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


example  and  its  urgency  to  the  universal  use  of  this  Court 
in  every  dispute  that  fails  of  solution  by  the  methods  of 
ordinary  diplomacy. 

On  May  6,  1922,  a  Committee  instituted  by  the  Federal 
Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America  presented  to 
the  Secretary  of  State  for  transmission  to  the  President 
a  memorandum  dealing  with  this  question  which  reads 
as  follows : 

The  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 
sees  in  the  Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice  not  only 
the  fruition  and  consummation  of  many  decades  of  American 
discussions,  plans  and  desires  for  international  peace  through 
justice  based  on  law,  but  also  the  promise  of  a  larger  and 
truer  righteousness  and  justice  among  the  nations,  a  step 
forward  in  the  establishment  of  the  Kingdom  of  God  among 
men.  It  believes  this  Court  will  promote  the  development  of 
a  well  considered  body  of  international  law  and  the  substitu¬ 
tion  of  reason,  justice,  mutual  good-will  and  universal  law  in 
place  of  the  crude  and  savage  methods  of  war  or  threats  of 
war  in  maintaining  even  legitimate  and  vital  national  in¬ 
terests. 

It  understands,  through  the  careful  inquiry  of  its  Commis¬ 
sion  on  International  Justice  and  Good-will,  that  participation 
in  the  Court  is  open  to  any  nation  mentioned  in  the  annex  to 
the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

It  is  informed  that  forty-five  states  have  already  become  mem¬ 
bers  and  supporters  of  the  Court,  of  which  eighteen  nations 
have  indicated  their  acceptance  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court 
as  “obligatory  in  any  or  all  of  the  four  legal  categories 
enumerated.” 

Moreover,  among  the  members  of  the  International  Com¬ 
mittee  which  framed  the  plan  creating  the  Permanent  Court 
of  International  Justice  was  our  own  distinguished  citizen, 
Hon.  Elihu  Root,  and  among  the  eleven  judges  chosen  to  con¬ 
stitute  the  first  Court,  is  another  distinguished  American  citi¬ 
zen,  Dr.  John  Bassett  Moore. 

Therefore : 

Resolved  that  this  Administrative  Committee  of  the  Fed¬ 
eral  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America,  expressing 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


81 


the  repeated  action  of  our  constituent  bodies  in  behalf  of  this 
method  of  settling  international  disputes,  earnestly  request 
President  Harding,  Secretary  of  State  Hughes  and  the  Sen¬ 
ate  to  take  into  consideration  the  importance  of  such  action 
as  may  be  necessary  to  enable  the  United  States  to  become 
a  party  to  and  supporter  of  the  Permanent  Court  of  Inter¬ 
national  Justice. 

Of  the  forty-five  nations  that  have  ratified  the  Con¬ 
vention  establishing  the  Permanent  Court  of  International 
Justice,  eighteen  did  so  Accepting  compulsory  jurisdic¬ 
tion  for  all  (four)  classes  of  cases”  .  .  .  “on  a  reciprocal 
basis,”  disputes  namely  “concerning  (1)  the  interpreta¬ 
tion  of  a  treaty;  (2)  any  question  of  international  law; 

(3)  the  existence  of  any  fact  which,  if  established,  would 
constitute  a  breach  of  an  international  obligation;  and 

(4)  the  nature  or  extent  of  the  reparation  to  be  made  for 
the  breach  of  an  international  obligation.”  That  is  to 
say,  they  have  agreed  to  submit  every  difficulty  of  the 
four  classes  named  for  adjudication  should  the  dispute 
be  with  a  nation  that  has  made  a  similar  agreement.  It 
is  to  be  hoped  that  the  United  States  will  soon  ratify  this 
Convention,  accepting  compulsory  jurisdiction  on  a  recip¬ 
rocal  basis,  and  when  doing  so  will  invite  Great  Britain, 
France,  Italy,  Japan  and  Germany  to  do  the  same.  Such 
a  decision  by  all  these  Powers  would  practically  insure 
the  peace  of  the  world.  For  every  serious  difficulty  would 
by  these  agreements  be  brought  automatically  into 
Court  for  settlement  by  reason  and  conciliation  under 
circumstances  most  favorable  for  impartial  adjudica¬ 
tion. 

The  settlement  of  international  disputes  by  arbitration 
is  not  a  modern  device.  It  has  been  used  for  centuries. 
According  to  records  that  have  been  carefully  compiled 
we  have  the  following  table:1 

1Cf.  World  Peace  Foundation  pamphlet  Series  VI,  6,  December, 
1916. 


82  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


International  Disputes  Settled  by  Arbitration 

Ancient  Greece,  425-100  B.C .  82 

Medieval  and  Modern  Europe,  800-1794  A.D.,  at  least.  . .  200 

Modem  Period,  1794-1900  .  477 

Hague  Period,  1900-1914,  at  least .  200 


Total,  at  least .  959 


Arbitration  treaties  began  to  be  made  in  the  early 
part  of  the  last  century.  It  is  estimated  that  in  1914 
the  number  of  such  treaties  in  force  was  209.  Only 
three  of  these,  however,  were  between  nations  that  be¬ 
came  belligerents  on  opposing  sides  of  the  Great  War! 
The  arbitration  treaty  between  Great  Britain  and  Ger¬ 
many  expired  by  limitation  July  1,  1914! 

Besides  arbitration  in  a  strict  sense,  Commissions  of 
Inquiry  and  Conciliation  have  found  favor  in  recent  dec¬ 
ades.  Forty-eight  nations  ratified  the  Hague  treaties 
for  Conciliation  Commissions,  while  the  United  States 
now  has  treaties  for  Commissions  of  Inquiry  with  some 
thirty  nations.  Statistics  are  given  showing  that  about 
250  settlements  have  been  made  by  these  means,  of  which 
141  concerned  boundaries  and  106  concerned  questions 
of  fact. 

An  excellent  example  of  adjusting  international  dis¬ 
putes  by  arbitration  and  conciliation  is  found  in  the 
famous  treaty  of  Washington  in  1871.  Negotiations  for 
the  settlement  of  the  “River  and  Lake  Boundary”  and 
the  “Lake  and  Land  Line”  between  Canada  and  the 
United  States  were  begun  as  early  as  1814.  Many  dis¬ 
cussions  developed  and  passions  were  deeply  stirred. 
“Forty-nine  forty  or  fight”  was  an  American  slogan  at 
one  time.  We  did  not  get  “forty-nine  forty”  nor  did  we 
fight.  We  settled  the  question  by  arbitration  and  mutual 
concession.  The  final  report  of  the  International  Bound¬ 
ary  Commission  fixing  the  western  boundary  between 
Canada  and  the  United  States  was  not  submitted  until 
1921.  The  settlement  of  the  “Alabama  Claims”  was 
another  famous  case  settled  by  arbitration. 


CHAPTER  VII 

Ideals  That  Will  Create  a  Warless  World — 

(  Concluded  ) 


9.  A  Sweeping  Reduction  of  Armaments 
10.  A  Warless  World 


“We  are  participants,  whether  we  would  or  not,  in  the  life 
of  the  world.  The  interests  of  all  nations  are  our  own  also.  We 
are  partners  with  the  rest.  What  affects  mankind  is  inevitably 
our  affair,  as  well  as  the  affair  of  the  nations  of  Europe  and  of 
Asia.” 


— Woodrow  Wilson. 


IDEALS  THAT  WILL  CREATE  A  WARLESS 

WORLD— Concluded 


9.  We  believe  in  a  sweeping  reduction  of  armaments 
by  all  nations. 

Why  do  nations  arm  ?  Why  does  America  arm  ?  Why 
do  we  need  the  navy  allowed  us  by  the  Washington  Con¬ 
ference  ?  We  surely  have  no  predatory  designs  on  Canada, 
or  Mexico,  or  Japan,  or  on  any  other  country.  Why 
then  are  we  willing  to  expend  hundreds  of  millions  of 
dollars  each  year  on  our  Army  and  Navy?  We  must  find 
real  answers  to  these  questions  before  we  can  understand 
the  full  significance  of  the  declaration  of  our  creed  or 
realize  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  its  achievement. 

The  primary  reason,  then,  why  nations  arm  is  because 
they  want  and  must  have  security,  an  object  that  is  wholly 
right  and  legitimate.  The  development  and  preservation 
of  civilization  depend  on  security.  Peace  of  mind,  con¬ 
fidence  for  the  morrow  and  ability  to  do  the  day’s  produc¬ 
tive  work  depend  on  assurance  of  security. 

In  addition  to  security,  men  want  liberty  and  justice 
and  respect.  These  also  are  right  and  legitimate  objects. 
Long  experience  shows  that  when  violence  is  rife  individ¬ 
uals  and  peoples  that  are  unarmed  and  can  in  self-pro¬ 
tection  do  little  or  no  violence,  receive  scant  justice  and 
slight  consideration  from  those  that  are  armed.  Their 
liberty  is  always  in  danger  and  oftentimes  is  entirely 
destroyed.  China  among  the  nations  is  a  conspicuous 
example.  Who  has  cared  about  China’s  rights?  One 
nation  after  another  has  invaded  her  territory,  abridged 
her  liberty,  humiliated  her  honor,  declared  “spheres  of 

85 


86  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


influence’’  and  “special  rights,”  extorted  compromising 
treaties  and  taken  possession  of  valued  territories.  All, 
because  China  was  militarily  helpless.  Airica  and  its 
people  have  become  the  spoils  of  Europe’s  militaristic 
nations.  Too  often  have  they  been  mistreated,  down¬ 
trodden,  exploited.  Why  ?  Because  they  could  not  exert 
violence  comparable  to  that  of  the  aggressive  nations.  If 
the  United  States  had  no  army  and  no  navy  whatever, 
would  we  be  respected  and  honored  by  the  nations  of 
Europe?  Would  our  claims  he  given  consideration  in 
their  chancelleries?  What  is  the  trouble  with  Armenia? 
Weakness.  Why  is  the  infamous  Turk  given  such  con¬ 
sideration  and  fresh  opportunity?  Among  other  reasons 
because  she  can  fight. 

A  slight  consideration  of  the  hard  facts  of  the  real 
world  shows  that  the  proposal  for  one-sided  disarmament 
is  wholly  visionary  and  impracticable.  So  long  as  na¬ 
tions  generally  depend  on  their  own  brute  force  to  provide 
security  from  attack  and  to  get  their  rights,  no  single 
nation  will  dare  to  disarm.  Weak  and  backward  nations 
will  always  suffer  at  the  hands  of  strong  and  aggressive 
nations  in  a  world  organized,  or  rather  unorganized,  as 
the  world  is  today. 

Millenniums  of  experience  have  thus  created  deep  and 
powerful  convictions  that  security  depends  on  capacity 
for  defense.  In  the  ages  of  savagery  every  man  went 
armed  to  defend  himself  and  his  home.  Tribes  in  time 
combined  to  protect  themselves  from  other  tribes.  But  as 
human  life  developed,  experience  accumulated  and  in¬ 
terests  intertwined;  better  ways  were  adopted  for  estab¬ 
lishing  and  maintaining  security;  of  attaining  justice; 
of  preserving  liberty;  and  of  promoting  the  general  wel¬ 
fare  and  the  honor  of  each — the  way,  namely,  of  friendly 
co-operation.  Laws  were  enacted  and  codified;  courts 
established;  judges  selected;  juries  chosen;  evidence 
sifted;  facts  certified;  police  and  other  executive  officials 
were  established. 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


87 


In  proportion  as  these  methods  of  substituting  law  and 
reason  for  bare  might  have  been  followed  in  the  settle¬ 
ment  of  disputes,  increasing  areas  of  human  life  have 
become  orderly  and  peaceful,  and  men  have  found  a 
more  certain  security,  a  larger  freedom,  and  a  truer 
justice  than  when  they  relied  each  on  his  own  right  hand 
for  these  legitimate  objectives  and  desires.  In  the  mod¬ 
ern  state,  therefore,  security  for  individuals  is  provided 
by  a  police  force,  although  national  security  is  still  as¬ 
sured  by  the  army  and  navy.  In  the  final  analysis,  then 
nations  arm  from  fear  of  armed  neighbors.  Armed  neigh¬ 
bors  produce  fears,  and  fears  produce  increased  arms,  a 
vicious  circle.  Advocates  of  a  warless  world,  therefore, 
now  urge  the  extension  of  these  long  tried  methods  in 
the  application  of  reason  and  law,  by  extending  them 
to  the  relations  of  nations.  Their  security,  their  justice 
and  their  economic  opportunities  should  be  established 
and  maintained  by  the  joint  effort  of  all.  International 
laws,  courts  and  judges  should  now  he  established.  By 
co-operation  these  essentials  of  civilized  life  will  be  more 
certain  for  all,  and  less  costly,  than  when  each  strong 
nation  seeks  to  attain  these  ends  for  itself  alone. 

Security  and  economic  opportunity  are  closely  linked 
together.  A  people  for  instance  establishes  and  extends 
in  peaceful  ways  its  economic  life  and  then  seeks  to  pre¬ 
serve  it.  The  natural  way  hitherto  has  been  to  arm  suffi¬ 
ciently  to  defend  it  if  need  should  arise.  Peoples  some¬ 
times  discover  new  economic  opportunities  beyond  their 
borders  and  proceed  to  get  them  by  treaty,  if  possible, 
or  by  threat  of  force  or  by  force  if  necessary.  For  three 
hundred  years  the  nations  of  Europe  have  been  extending 
their  political  possessions  in  these  ways  in  all  parts  of 
the  world  by  means  of  their  military  power  and  because 
of  the  enlarged  economic  opportunity  they  thus  acquired. 
JSTo  nation  or  people  willingly  surrenders  once  acquired 
territory  or  trade.  To  preserve  their  “rights”  and  their 
“honor”  the  nation  arms  and  prepares  to  fight  any  pos- 


88  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


sible  foe.  The  recent  discussions  about  the  “mastery  of 
the  Pacific”  have  been  due  to  rival  economic  interests, 
actual  or  prospective.  America’s  expanding  navy  in  re¬ 
cent  years  has  been  ascribed  by  many  to  her  economic 
ambition  in  the  Far  East.  We  were  not  willing,  it  was 
alleged,  to  be  pushed  aside  by  Japan. 

Such  being  the  world  situation  and  the  objects  for  which 
nations  arm,  is  it  not  fantastic  to  call,  as  our  Creed  does, 
for  “a  sweeping  reduction  of  armaments”  ?  If  the  demand 
means  loss  of  security,  subjection  to  injustice  and  dis¬ 
honor,  and  deprivation  of  legitimate  economic  opportu¬ 
nity,  it  would  indeed  be  foolish  and  futile.  This  is  not, 
however,  what  sane  advocates  of  disarmament  propose. 
While  there  are,  no  doubt,  extreme  pacifists  who  think 
that  men  fight  merely  because  they  are  armed  and  that 
if  they  were  to  disarm  we  would  at  once  have  a  Warless 
World,  such  unbalanced  extremists  are  few.  What  our 
Creed  proposes  and  what  intelligent  advocates  of  dis¬ 
armament  urge,  is  the  establishment  of  a  substitute  for 
armaments  and  for  wars;  a  method,  namely,  that  will 
give  security,  guarantee  justice,  preserve  honor  and  pro¬ 
vide  economic  opportunity  for  all  alike. 

The  call  of  our  Creed  for  a  sweeping  reduction  of 
armaments  assumes  therefore  that  the  nations  have  already 
associated  themselves  permanently  for  the  establishment 
of  the  institutions  of  peace,  have  pledged  their  mutual 
faith  and  good-will  in  the  formulation  and  general  adop¬ 
tion  of  international  law,  and  have  united  in  establishing 
international  courts  of  justice  and  boards  of  arbitration 
which,  of  course,  it  is  assumed  they  will  use.  When  these 
things  have  been  done  a  sweeping  reduction  of  armaments 
is  possible  and  should  be  speedily  effected. 

The  imperative  economic  necessity  for  the  general  adop¬ 
tion  of  the  proposed  world-peace  system,  including  the 
sweeping  reduction  of  armaments,  is  the  colossal  cost 
of  modern  war  and  preparations  for  war,  already  noted  in 
an  earlier  chapter.  The  argument  for  vast  war  prepara- 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


89 


tions  as  “insurance  against  war”  is  no  longer  valid;  the 
cost  has  become  too  heavy.  This  insurance  is  itself  a 
cause  of  danger.  The  world  faces  bankruptcy  and  chaos 
if  the  old  methods  of  maintaining  security  by  violence 
and  preparations  for  violence  are  continued.  For  the 
year  1920-1921,  as  we  have  already  seen,  America  ex¬ 
pended  on  her  army  and  navy  $1,752,000,000,  while 
thirty-eight  nations  expended  over  $5,268,000,000.  Many 
of  the  nations  are  hopelessly  in  debt  and  are  unable  even 
to  pay  the  interest  on  their  debts.  Our  interest  account 
alone  is  about  $1,000,000,000  annually.  Every  passing 
decade,  moreover,  will  make  the  cost  of  “adequate  pre¬ 
paredness,”  if  the  old  “insurance”  methods  are  continued, 
increasingly  costly.  No  possible  limit  can  be  set  to  what 
security,  by  means  of  mere  military  and  naval  prepara¬ 
tions,  will  cost. 

Preparation  for  violence  as  a  means  of  security  against 
violence  has  thus  reached  its  reductio  ad  absurdum  through 
the  “vicious  circle.”  The  very  increase  of  expensive  war 
preparations  on  the  part  of  the  various  European  nations 
was  one  of  the  important  factors  that  led  infallibly  to 
the  Great  War  and  to  further  incredible  and  crushing 
costs.  And  in  spite  of  all  they  spent  in  the  hope  of 
security  their  preparations  in  the  end  did  not  save  them; 
rather  they  carried  the  nations  over  the  precipice.  Surely 
a  method  so  fallacious,  so  intrinsically  immoral  and 
vicious  and  ultimately  so  dangerous  should  be  abandoned. 
Fear,  however,  of  the  direful  consequences  of  maintaining 
large  armies  will  not  lead  to_  their  sweeping  reduction, 
if  fear  still  exists  of  what  might  happen  without  them. 
Nations,  like  individuals,  choose  what  seems  the  lesser 
evil.  The  dearest  thing  to  nations,  as  to  individuals,  is 
life.  For  this,  they  will  sacrifice  everything — pay  any 
price. 

But  of  course  no  nation  can  abandon  defensive  arma¬ 
ments  alone.  If  one  arms  all  must  arm.  If  one  is  to 
disarm  all  must  disarm.  This  means,  however,  that  all 


90  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


must  unite  in  setting  up  the  substitutes  for  war,  the  in¬ 
stitutions  of  universal  justice  and  security  under  general 
international  law.  And  this  carries  with  it  the  tacit  un¬ 
derstanding — should  it  not  also  be  the  explicit  pledge  of 
the  associated  nations — that  each  law-abiding  nation  will 
be  protected,  from  wanton  attack,  by  the  combined  eco¬ 
nomic  and  military  power  of  all  the  law-abiding  nations  ? 
How  otherwise  can  there  be  peace  of  mind  and  sense  of 
assured  security?  And  how  otherwise  can  there  be  the 
sweeping  reduction  of  armaments  by  all  the  nations? 

Our  Creed,  therefore,  makes  no  quixotic  proposal, 
knowing  full  well  that  there  are  legitimate  objects  for 
which  nations  have  armed  in  the  past  but  also  convinced 
that  under  the  conditions  of  the  modem  world  those  legiti¬ 
mate  objects  can  be  secured  only  by  the  general  adoption 
of  new  international  principles. 

This  proposal  is  made  with  high  hopes,  for  we  see  in 
the  world  new  forces  at  work.  Interests  are  intertwin¬ 
ing;  mutual  knowledge  is  developing;  insight  into  the 
realities  is  growing;  new  ways  of  securing  national  safety 
with  honor  and  justice  and  fair  treatment  are  being 
worked  out.  The  welfare,  safety,  justice  and  honor  of 
each  is  becoming  more  closely  and  inextricably  bound  up 
with  that  of  all.  Single  nations  can  no  longer  secure 
by  sheer  military  might  what  once  they  could.  The  legiti¬ 
mate  ends  which  they  formerly  sought  for  themselves 
alone  they  must  now  seek  for  all  if  they  are  to  possess 
and  enjoy  them  even  for  themselves.  If  this  is  true,  then 
the  Christian  idealist  can  rightly  declare  the  practicality 
of  his  belief  in  a  sweeping  reduction  of  armaments  by  all 
nations. 

The  problem,  however,  for  those  who  would  speed  the 
day  of  this  great  event  is  to  devise  the  concrete  methods 
and  create  the  psychological  conditions  in  each  nation 
by  which  it  may  be  brought  about.  The  mere  demand 
of  the  ardent  idealist  for  immediate  disarmament  will 
not  accomplish  it.  Nor  will  the  plea  of  the  “pacifist”  and 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


91 


the  “conscientious  objector/’  however  earnestly  and  de¬ 
votedly  urged,  that  all  Christians  should  simply  refuse 
outright  to  have  anything  whatever  to  do  with  war,  se¬ 
cure  it.  Though  millions  of  individuals  as  individuals 
may  “boycott  war,”  that  will  not  bring  war  to  an  end. 
The  practical  idealist  realizes  that  we  must  create  the 
world  institutions  and  agencies  for  justice,  for  safety  and 
for  liberty  under  law.  In  proportion  as  these  are  cre¬ 
ated  and  are  effectually  operating,  nations  will  find  that 
they  can  secure  every  essential  and  legitimate  object  with¬ 
out  regard  to  the  size  of  their  military  equipment.  Fears 
and  suspicions  of  neighbors  will  then  gradually  pass  away 
and  with  them  the  armament  they  produced. 

Happily  the  way  to  the  desired  sweeping  reduction  of 
armaments  is  not  utterly  new  and  untried.  It  is  in  truth 
but  the  application  of  the  way  that  has  for  centuries 
been  receiving  constantly  wider  and  larger  use.  The 
entire  history  of  human  progress  has  consisted  of  ever- 
widening  circles  of  co-operation.  Even  in  man’s  crudest 
days  of  barbarism  his  life  was  dependent  on  co-operation. 
By  learning  to  co-operate  in  larger  ways,  through  more 
extended  areas  and  in  more  loyal  spirit,  his  welfare  has 
advanced.  The  demand  of  our  day  to  end  war  and  to  start 
on  a  Warless  World  is  only  the  demand  to  extend  still 
further  the  age-old  principle  and  practice  of  co-operation. 

10.  We  believe  in  a  Warless  World  and  dedicate  our¬ 
selves  to  its  achievement. 

A  Warless  World !  What  would  a  Warless  World  be 
like?  Would  it  be  an  insipid  world?  A  flabby,  lazy 
world  ?  A  world  of  cowards  and  shirks,  of  namby-pamby 
goody-goodies  ?  A  world  of  nobodies  and  flunkies  ?  “No 
scorn,  no  hardness,  no  valor  any  more  ?”  “Fie  upon  such 
a  cattleyard  of  a  planet,”  exclaimed  William  James 
as  he  declared  the  need  for  a  “moral  equivalent  of  war.” 


92  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


What,  then,  are  the  great  moral  values  that  men  have 
found  in  war?  Are  they  not  the  extraordinary  devotion 
of  the  average  individual  to  the  community?  to  the  na¬ 
tion?  His  self-forgetfulness,  his  self-sacrifice,  his  disre¬ 
gard  even  of  life  itself?  When  the  surging  war-spirit 
takes  possession  of  a  people  conscious  of  danger,  how  uni¬ 
fied  they  become !  How  fused  into  a  common  life !  How 
devoted  to  a  common  interest  !  How  dominated  by  a 
common  enthusiasm ! 

In  war  and  in  wartime  have  been  displayed  unforget- 
able  courage  and  undying  heroism.  Then  has  been  re¬ 
vealed  an  inner  greatness  in  the  common  man  that  nor¬ 
mally  lies  dormant,  inactive,  unknown.  No  wonder  men 
have  praised  war  heroes,  have  sung  their  triumphs,  have 
built  them  memorials  and  revered  their  memories!  But 
was  it  war  that  created  these  noble  characteristics?  Or 
did  war  only  give  opportunity  for  their  revelation  ?  And 
is  it  only  war  that  can  call  forth  these  noble  qualities  of 
mind  and  heart  and  will? 

Nor  must  we  forget  or  overlook  the  elation  of  mass 
feeling  when  stirred  by  the  sight  of  marching  millions, 
gloriously  keeping  step  to  the  thrilling  sound  of  martial 
music,  carrying  in  amazing  unity  their  burnished  weapons 
gleaming  in  the  sunlight,  following  the  flag  which  sym¬ 
bolizes  the  honor  and  history  of  the  nation.  How  won¬ 
derful,  how  inspiring  it  all  is!  How  the  old  men  and 
women  and  children,  and  how  the  marching  men  them¬ 
selves  are  lifted  to  levels  of  feeling  and  devotion  that 
seem  to  come  at  no  other  times  and  in  no  other  ways. 

In  a  Warless  World  can  these  things  be?  Must  it  be 
a  tame,  drab  world,  without  enthusiasms,  without  stirring 
music,  without  prancing  horses  and  beautiful  flags,  and 
millions  of  men  keeping  step  in  their  march  for  the 
nation’s  defense  and  honor?  Those  who  emphasize  the 
high  and  noble  aspects  of  man’s  military  development 
commonly  overlook  its  ignoble  and  disastrous  aspects. 
The  worst  part  of  war  is  not  the  mere  loss  of  life  entailed. 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


93 


Even  more  inimical  to  man’s  true  welfare  is  the  brutalized 
spirit  of  millions.  The  killing  of  fellow-men  becomes  a 
light  thing ;  crime  becomes  easy ;  and  every  other  vice  that 
follows  in  the  wake  of  warfare  becomes  common.  After 
the  uplift  in  entering  upon  war,  comes  the  inevitable 
moral  reaction  and  collapse.  Sordid  selfishness,  crass 
materialism,  brutish  self-indulgence,  ruthless  indifference 
to  need  and  want  and  suffering,  become  altogether  too  com¬ 
mon,  alike  among  the  conquered  and  the  conquerors.  The 
“moral  values”  of  war  and  preparations  for  war  are  in 
fact  illusory,  temporary.  The  moral  disaster  of  war  is 
deep  and  real  and  long  continued. 

Are  there  then  in  a  Warless  World  no  moral  equiva¬ 
lents  of  war?  No  situations  and  tasks  to  call  forth  hero¬ 
ism,  demand  devotion,  require  sacrifice?  In  a  Warless 
W7orld  are  there  no  great  tasks  for  great  men  and  great 
women?  Assuredly  yes:  a  thousand  times  yes.  How 
blind  must  be  the  eyes  of  those  who  ask  such  questions! 
It  shows  how  distorted  has  been  the  teaching  of  history, 
how  shallow  our  common  understanding  of  the  non-mili¬ 
tary  heroes  of  mankind.  Who  are  the  men  that  have 
created  civilization,  have  really  made  life  more  noble, 
more  gracious,  more  generous,  more  true,  more  intelli¬ 
gent,  more  able  to  command  the  manifold  resources  of 
nature?  Are  they  not  the  great  students  and  scholars 
and  educators,  the  great  scientists  and  philosophers  and 
orators,  the  great  artists  and  musicians,  poets  and  archi¬ 
tects,  the  great  inventors,  explorers  and  discoverers,  the 
great  reformers  and  pastors,  preachers,  seers  and  prophets  ? 
Shall  we  forget  their  struggles,  their  sacrifices,  their 
heroism  ? 

In  this  connection  one  thinks  of  the  great  heroes  of 
civilization,  Moses,  Isaiah,  Paul;  Socrates,  Plato,  Aris¬ 
totle,  Phidias ;  Buddha,  Confucius ;  Michelangelo, 
Raphael,  Dante;  Luther,  Calvin,  Knox,  Wesley;  Shake¬ 
speare,  Tennyson,  Browning;  Bacon,  Hewton,  Galileo, 
Pasteur,  Livingston,  Edison;  Gorgas,  and  ten  thousand 


94  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


more  through  whose  insights,  discoveries,  character,  sacri¬ 
fices,  achievements,  the  whole  human  race  has  been  lifted 
up  and  enriched. 

The  mighty  tasks  for  the  welfare  of  mankind  are  not 
yet  completed.  When  war  is  no  more  and  fear  of  war  is 
forever  ended,  then  will  the  energies  of  mind  and  heart 
of  the  great  leaders  of  our  race,  who  in  every  land  for 
ages  have  had  to  devote  their  best  thought  and  skill  to 
war  and  preparations  for  war,  he  turned  to  the  construc¬ 
tive  processes  of  life  and  civilization.  Science  is  only  in 
its  infancy.  What  fresh  discoveries  of  Nature’s  secrets 
shall  be  made,  what  mastery  of  Nature’s  forces  may  he 
achieved  and  brought  to  the  uplift  of  human  life  the 
world  over,  when  the  wealth  of  brain  and  time  and  the 
drive  of  devotion  and  self-sacrifice  that  have  been  directed 
to  self-protection  for  all  past  ages,  may  be  freely  and 
fully  devoted  to  science  and  civilization. 

Shall  we  not  conquer  ignorance,  banish  poverty,  van¬ 
quish  disease,  prevent  famine,  end  pestilence,  overcome 
all  abnormal  pain,  stop  crime,  develop  the  sense  of  brother¬ 
hood,  enjoy  fellowship,  promote  loyalty,  make  duty  at¬ 
tractive,  cultivate  poetry  and  every  form  of  art,  harness 
every  river,  tap  the  boundless  power  of  atoms,  give  music 
to  every  hamlet,  make  life  as  interesting  and  inspiring  to 
the  miner  and  the  scavenger  as  to  the  most  favored  dweller 
in  our  great  cities,  and  discover  and  make  known  to  all 
mankind  new  ranges  of  beauty  and  truth  and  goodness, 
when  war  is  no  more?  All  this  will  call  for  devotion, 
for  self-sacrifice,  for  heroism  of  the  noblest  type.  No 
selfish,  slothful  soul,  thinking  of  ease  and  pleasure  can 
render  the  higher  service  that  mankind  so  rquch  needs. 
Surely  a  Warless  World  will  be  no  “cattleyard  of  a 
planet”  when  fear  of  war  is  gone  forever,  and  the  energy 
thus  released  sets  itself  to  the  great  physical,  mental  and 
moral  tasks  of  making  this  world  a  fit  and  lovely  place 
to  live  in  for  every  child  and  every  woman  and  every 
family  in  every  land  and  of  every  race.  Great  tasks 


IDEALS  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


95 


are  these.  Great  times  are  ahead.  Great  men  will  be 
called  for. 

But  in  achieving  these  great  goals  we  shall  need  to 
utilize  to  the  full  those  methods  of  arousing  mass  con¬ 
sciousness  of  unity  and  devotion.  The  pomp  and  beauty 
of  parades  and  prancing  horses,  the  thrilling  magic  of 
marching  music,  the  wondrous  sight  of  thousands  keep¬ 
ing  faultless  step;  all  these  ancient  methods  will  be  con¬ 
served  and  utilized,  but  free  from  the  implication  or 
thought  of  war,  the  wholesale  slaughter  of  fellow-men.1 

Only  by  faith  shall  these  things  be.  “Faith  is  the  vic¬ 
tory  that  overcomes  the  world.”  We  of  this  twentieth  cen¬ 
tury  begin  to  see  a  vision  of  a  new  heaven  and  a  new 
earth  in  which  war  shall  be  no  more.  The  Great  War 
has  forced  the  necessity  for  it  home  on  millions  of  men. 
The  new  world  created  by  modern  science  declares  the 
great  alternative:  A  Warless  World  or  a  World  destroyed 
by  War.  The  first  great  task  of  the  new  era  is  the  aboli¬ 
tion  of  war,  and  the  release  thereby  of  the  men  and 
the  means  for  the  other  great  tasks  of  our  advancing 
civilization  of  universal  human  brotherhood. 

1  A  good  start  in  these  directions  is  the  Boy  Scout  movement.  It 
should  be  more  widely  understood,  developed  and  adopted  in  all  our 
churches  and  schools,  for  it  promotes  both  the  cultivation  of  noble 
character,  upon  which  the  churches  rightly  lay  emphasis,  and  also 
the  development  of  physical  power  and  good  health,  upon  which  advo¬ 
cates  of  universal  military  training  rightly  lay  so  much  stress. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

Some  Concrete  Tasks  in  Working  for  a  Warless 

World 

1.  The  Mexican  Question 

2.  The  Treaty  Rights  of  Aliens 

3.  The  Immigration  Question 


“I  once  believed  in  armed  preparedness.  I  advocated  it. 
But  I  have  come  to  believe  there  is  a  better  preparedness  in 
a  public  mind  and  a  world  opinion  made  ready  to  grant  jus¬ 
tice  precisely  as  it  exacts  it.” 


— Warren  G.  Harding. 


SOME  CONCRETE  TASKS  IN  WORKING  FOR  A 

WARLESS  WORLD 


Fresh  visions,  peace  movements  and  organizations  of 
the  churches  and  peace  education  are  but  preparations 
for  that  real,  positive  program  by  which  alone  true  world 
peace  can  be  established. 

At  present,  as  indeed  militarists  assert,  every  nation  is 
actuated  largely  by  self-interest.  Self-interest  is  regarded 
as  natural  and  inevitable.  Inter-tribal,  inter-racial  and 
international  relations  from  the  beginning  of  human  his¬ 
tory  have  been  so  selfish,  and  the  conduct  of  peoples 
and  races  toward  each  other  has  been  so  brutal,  produc¬ 
ing  so  much  suffering,  that  peoples  are  suspicious  of 
each  other.  Jealousy,  hatred,  fear  and  desire  for  re¬ 
venge,  control  more  or  less  consciously  the  attitude  of 
many. 

Permanent  world  peace,  however,  can  come  only  as  these 
feelings  are  overcome  and  mutual  good-will,  confidence 
and  the  spirit  of  co-operation  are  established  in  their  place. 
These  animosities,  distrusts,  indignations,  have  been 
evoked  by  deeds.  They  can  be  overcome  only  by  deeds. 
The  way  to  conquer  evil  is  to  do  good.  This  is  a  uni¬ 
versal  principle.  It  applies  to  nations  as  well  as  to  indi¬ 
viduals.  Our  Christian  ideals  and  practices  must  now 
be  definitely  and  consciously  applied  to  international  life. 
The  Golden  Rule  must  be  given  international  application. 

Here,  therefore,  is  the  comprehensive  platform  of  the 
Christian  World  Peace  Program.  Christians  seek  to  es¬ 
tablish  the  Kingdom  of  God  on  a  world-wide  scale  through 
methods  of  international  righteousness  and  helpfulness. 
Treaties  of  peace  and  arbitration  are  well,  but  they  are 

99 


100  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


not  enough.  Promises  not  to  declare  war  until  time  has 
elapsed  for  a  Commission  to  investigate  and  report  are 
thoroughly  worth  while.  They  are  not,  however,  adequate 
substitutes  for  active  good-will.  What  the  world  now 
needs  are  international  beneficent  actions  that  will  remove 
existing  suspicions,  distrusts,  animosities  and  prejudices. 

In  this  chapter  and  the  next  we  shall  consider  a  number 
of  concrete  questions  which  call  for  intelligent  Christian 
action.  These  are  typical  examples  of  the  tasks  that  must 
be  undertaken  by  those  who  are  earnest  in  achieving  a 
Warless  World. 


The  Mexican  Question 

For  a  century  America  and  Mexico  have  been  living 
side  by  side.  We  have  not  been  the  best  of  neighbors; 
there  has  been  more  or  less  of  friction.  We  have  occa¬ 
sionally  fought  each  other.  Many  Mexicans  suspect  us 
of  aggressive  designs,  and  regard  us  as  ill-mannered  and 
as  cowTards.  They  feel  that  we  have  repeatedly  done  them 
wrong;  that  we  have  seized  their  territory;  wantonly 
invaded  their  cities ;  interfered  with  their  sovereign 
rights.  They  think  that  we  greedily  desire  to  annex 
the  whole  country;  that  we  have  not  done  it  in  the  past 
because  we  could  not;  that  we  are  intrinsically  cowardly 
and  dare  not  risk  a  serious  conflict  with  them. 

On  the  other  hand,  many  of  us  look  upon  them  with 
disdain.  Their  history,  their  ancestry,  their  habits,  per¬ 
sonal  and  national,  moral  and  political,  fall  under  our 
ban.  Some  of  us  regard  them  as  intrinsically  incapable 
of  appreciating  our  magnanimity.  Whatever  we  may  do 
to  them,  kindly  and  helpful,  not  a  few  of  our  people 
believe  would  be  useless.  The  only  way  to  treat  them, 
they  insist,  is  to  hold  them  in  their  place  by  force  and 
punish  them  when  they  destroy  American  property,  kill 
American  citizens,  or  insult  the  American  flag. 


WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


101 


What  now  can  be  done  to  change  these  feelings,  ours 
and  theirs?  How  can  we  learn  to  trust  and  love  them 
and  persuade  them  to  trust  and  love  us?  How  can  we 
discover  their  good  traits  and  help  them  to  discover  ours  ? 
How  can  we  become  good  neighbors  to  them  and  help 
them  to  become  good  neighbors  to  us  ?  How  can  we  es¬ 
tablish  such  right  feelings  here  and  there  that  both  they 
and  we  shall  be  convinced  that  never  again  will  con¬ 
flicts  arise  between  us  ?  Such  are  some  questions  we 
must  answer  if  we  are  serious  in  our  proposals  to  estab¬ 
lish  a  Warless  World.  If  America  by  real  Christian 
conduct  cannot  influence  her  nearest  neighbor,  and  enter 
into  relationships  of  permanent  good-will  and  mutual 
trust,  how  can  we  reasonably  expect  to  influence  the  whole 
world  to  develop  these  feelings?  How  can  we  think  that 
other  nations  whose  relations  with  one  another  century 
after  century  have  been  bitter  and  disastrous  can  pos¬ 
sibly  establish  mutual  friendship  and  permanent  peace? 

There  is,  in  fact,  only  one  possible  way  out.  aThe  way 
to  resume  is  to  resume.”  We  must  begin  to  practice  the 
Golden  Rule  in  our  relations  with  Mexico  without  waiting 
for  any  change  in  her  or  even  in  our  own  feelings.  We 
know  in  part  at  least  what  the  Christian  ideal  requires; 
let  us  do  it.  We  must  be  brothers  to  them.  Even  though 
it  cost  us  much  we  must  be  righteous  and  kindly. 

What  then  shall  we  do  ?  To  be  vague  at  this  point  will 
not  do ;  our  prescription  of  remedies  must  not  consist 
of  mere  glittering  generalities.  We  venture,  therefore,  to 
suggest  a  number  of  things  that  as  a  nation  we  might 
well  do  in  the  near  future. 

1.  To  help  us  become  acquainted  with  the  better  side 
of  Mexico,  let  Congress  establish,  say,  fifty  annual  scholar¬ 
ships  for  American  college  graduates  for  a  year  of  resi¬ 
dence  and  study  in  Mexico.  Let  these  students  associate 
with  the  best  Mexican  people,  mastering  their  language, 
becoming  familiar  with  their  history,  ideals,  psychology, 
etiquette  and  customs. 


102  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


2.  Let  Congress  also  establish,  say,  two  hundred  scholar¬ 
ships  for  worthy  Mexican  youths  for  study  in  the  United 
States.  Arrangements  should  be  made  for  such  students 
to  live  in  our  best  educational  circles.  Should  America’s 
Christian  families  open  their  homes  to  these  Mexican 
students  and  treat  them  as  we  have  treated  Japanese  and 
Chinese  students,  what  a  mighty  factor  it  would  be  for 
international  acquaintance  and  good-will ! 

3.  To  help  Mexico  get  upon  her  feet  educationally, 
might  not  the  United  States  appropriate,  say,  $5,000,000 
annually  for  ten  years  for  elementary  non-sectarian  edu¬ 
cation  in  Mexico,  with  which  to  erect  school  buildings 
and  pay  salaries  for  school  teachers?  This  should,  of 
course,  be  done  in  friendly  conference  and  co-operation 
with  the  Government  of  Mexico.  Mexico  might  well  be 
asked  to  provide  some  suitable  amount  to  accompany  the 
expenditure  of  the  American  grant. 

4.  But  whatever  may  or  may  not  be  done  by  our  Gov¬ 
ernment,  there  will  still  be  large  call  for  private,  unoffi¬ 
cial  activity.  What  Mexico  supremely  needs  is  the  mul¬ 
tiplication  of  Mexican  citizens  trained  for  leadership. 
For  this  a  large  increase  of  high  class  secondary  and 
normal  schools,  supplemented  by  a  well-equipped  Uni¬ 
versity,  are  essential.  These  might  well  be  supplied  by 
Christians  in  America  and  provide  education  distinc¬ 
tively  Christian  in  spirit.  The  Missionary  Boards  carry¬ 
ing  on  work  in  Mexico  should  be  loyally  supported  by 
all  who  desire  permanent,  friendly  relations  between 
America  and  that  land. 

5.  In  American  educational  institutions,  moreover,  a 
large  program  of  instruction  should  be  provided  in  the 
history  of  Mexico  and  of  all  Latin-American  countries. 
Americans  should  come  to  know  as  promptly  as  possible 
the  characteristics  of  national  psychology  distinguishing 
Anglo-Saxon  from  Latin  countries.  They  should  study 
international  relations  from  the  viewpoint  of  those  other 
nations.  We  need  to  see  how  our  doings,  our  expan- 


WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


103 


sions,  our  policies,  our  ways,  our  Monroe  Doctrine,  appear 
to  them.  How  would  we  in  their  places  regard  our  deal¬ 
ings  during  the  past  century  with  Mexico,  with  Colombia, 
with  Nicaragua,  with  Haiti  and  with  Santo  Domingo? 
The  time  has  surely  come  when  every  nation  should 
abandon  the  assumption  that  its  deeds  alone  have  been 
right;  its  wars  alone  have  been  altogether  righteous;  its 
people  alone  are  humane  and  peace-loving.  If  through 
our  schools  we  can  teach  our  people  pretty  generally  to 
look  at  our  history  with  impartial  eyes,  we  shall  come 
to  have  more  sympathy  with  other  nations  and  a  truer 
capacity  for  dealing  justly  by  them. 

What  now  would  be  the  effect  on  Mexico  of  such  deeds 
and  such  a  policy  steadily  continued  for  twenty  years? 
Who  can  doubt  that  their  distrust  of  us  and  ours  of 
them  would  be  gradually,  or  perhaps  even  rapidly,  re¬ 
moved?  Would  not  the  politics  of  Mexico  undergo  thor¬ 
ough  transformation  through  the  silent  but  potent  influ¬ 
ences  of  our  own  methods  and  our  Christian  spirit  ?  For 
knowledge  of  us  and  admiration  would  surely  spring  up 
and  sweep  through  the  entire  people  in  the  course  of 
a  couple  of  decades.  Popular  education  would  advance. 
The  prosperity  of  Mexico  likewise  would  grow.  The 
financial  returns  through  increasing  trade  would  in 
the  course  of  a  score  of  years  far  more  than  repay  our 
expenditure  in  the  proposed  program.  But  of  more 
value  would  be  the  good-will  and  mutual  confidence 
growing  between  us,  and  the  establishment  thus  of  lasting 
peace. 

What,  too,  would  be  the  effect  of  such  a  policy  on  our 
own  people?  Beyond  question  our  interest  in  Mexico’s 
progress  and  welfare  would  become  fraternal  and  real. 
What  joy  would  be  ours  to  see  her  saved  from  revolutions 
and  started  permanently  on  the  pathway  of  internal  peace 
and  prosperity!  We  should  see  splendid  qualities  in  them 
that  we  had  not  suspected.  By  establishing  right  rela¬ 
tions  each  would  reveal  to  the  other  his  better  side,  and 


104  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


in  proportion  as  we  see  the  better  side  our  mutual  esteem 
would  advance. 

What,  moreover,  would  be  the  effect  of  such  a  policy 
on  other  nations?  As  time  passed  and  we  consistently 
carried  out  our  program,  they  would  surely  come  to  be¬ 
lieve  and  trust  us.  The  nations  of  South  America  would 
be  particularly  keen  in  watching  us.  They,  too,  would 
develop  confidence  in  us.  For  once  in  the  history  of 
the  world  men  would  see  a  powerful  nation  really  Chris¬ 
tian  in  its  international  relations.  Confidence  in  us  would 
spring  up  in  every  land.  And  would  they  not  begin 
to  see  that,  after  all,  “Godliness  is  profitable  for  all 
things/’  even  in  international  politics?  From  every  pos¬ 
sible  point  of  view,  the  expenditure  of  money  in  the  ways 
indicated  would  appear  to  be  good  business  ,gs  well  as 
truly  Christian. 

Some  will,  of  course,  begrudge  such  sums  to  aliens. 
Before  completing  this  program,  they  will  argue,  it  would 
cost  us  many  millions  of  dollars.  What  right  have  we 
to  take  this  vast  amount  out  of  the  pockets  of  poor  Ameri¬ 
can  workingmen  and  give  it  to  worthless  Mexicans? 

How  much,  we  ask  in  reply,  would  we  willingly  have 
expended,  had  President  Wilson  and  Congress  decided 
a  few  years  ago  to  avenge  the  honor  of  our  flag?  Would 
it  not  have  cost  us  many  hundred  million  dollars  in  a  few 
months ?  Hundreds,  perhaps  thousands,  of  our  young  men 
would  have  been  killed  and  tens  of  thousands  wounded. 
By  the  time  all  the  bills  had  been  paid  for  military  in¬ 
vasion  and  conquest,  for  years  of  military  occupation, 
and  for  the  pension  roll  continuing  for  fifty  to  sixty  years, 
the  total  would  have  run  up  to  several  billion. 

If  by  the  expenditure  of  $100,000,000  in  deeds  of  good¬ 
will  we  can  establish  permanent  peace  with  Mexico,  as 
certain  as  that  with  Canada,  where  we  need  no  forts  or 
soldiers  to  guard  our  borders,  it  would  be  a  good  bargain. 
But  whatever  the  method  of  good-will  may  cost,  will  it 
not  cost  less  than  the  war  method?  The  cost  of  peace 


WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


105 


maintained  by  readiness  for  war  is  endlessly  expensive. 
It  aggravates  suspicion  and  animosity;  and  when  the  “in¬ 
evitable”  conflict  comes,  the  murder,  destruction,  pillage, 
crimes  and  atrocities  only  serve  still  further  to  inflame 
the  feelings  on  Toth  sides.  Whichever  side  is  victorious, 
passions  smolder  on  for  decades,  ready  to  be  fanned 
to  flames  by  the  breath  of  circumstance.  The  recent 
and  the  continuing  tragedy  in  Europe  is  a  part  result 
of  the  “glorious”  victories  and  pitiful  defeats  of  past 
centuries. 

To  make  Mexico  truly  friendly,  then,  absolutely  confi¬ 
dent  of  our  good-will,  we  must  develop  Christian  feelings 
and  Christian  conduct  toward  her.  All  will  see  that  we 
really  mean  our  Christian  policy  if  it  really  costs  us  some¬ 
thing,  and  if  we  keep  it  up  year  in  and  year  out.  On 
the  other  hand,  unless  we  do  this,  will  not  the  day  come 
when  America  will  have  to  spend  hundreds  of  millions  in 
conflict?  And  after  that,  the  task  of  making  Mexico 
friendly  will  be  far  more  difficult  and  expensive  than  now. 


The  Treaty  Rights  of  Aliens 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  is  bound  by 
numerous  treaties  respecting  the  rights  of  aliens.  The 
treaty  of  1871  with  Italy,  for  example,  contains  the  fol¬ 
lowing  reciprocal  pledge: 

The  citizens  of  each  of  the  high  contracting  parties  shall 
receive  in  the  states  and  territories  of  the  other  the  most  con¬ 
stant  protection  and  security  for  their  persons  and  property, 
and  shall  enjoy  in  this  respect  the  same  rights  and  privileges 
as  are  or  may  be  granted  to  the  natives  on  their  submitting 
themselves  to  the  conditions  imposed  upon  the  natives. 

In  spite  of  these  clearly-defined  and  definitely  accepted 
obligations,  the  person  and  property  rights  of  aliens  have 
been  repeatedly  violated  and  not  a  few  aliens  have  even 


106  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


been  murdered  by  mobs.  As  a  result,  the  friendly  rela¬ 
tions  existing  between  the  United  States  and  foreign  coun¬ 
tries  have  often  been  jeopardized. 

Hon.  William  H.  Taft  has  given  a  list  of  seventy-three 
aliens  of  different  nationalities  lynched  or  murdered  be¬ 
tween  1885  and  1910.  In  addition  hundreds  were 
wounded  and  thousands  were  driven  from  their  homes, 
their  property  destroyed  by  lawless  mobs.  “At  Hock 
Springs,  Wyoming,  on  November  30,  1885,  there  was  an 
armed  attack  by  one  hundred  men  on  a  Chinese  settlement 
in  a  mining  town,  in  which  all  the  houses  were  burnt,  and 
in  which  twenty-eight  Chinamen  lost  their  lives,  sixteen 
were  wounded,  and  all  their  property  was  destroyed.” 

“Nine  Italians  were  lynched  in  New  Orleans  in  1891.” 

“In  1895  three  Italians  were  lynched  at  Walsenberg, 
Colorado.” 

“In  1899  three  Italians  were  lynched  at  Tallulah, 
Louisiana.” 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  provides  that 
treaties  “made  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States 
shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land”  (Art.  VI,  2) ;  that 
the  President  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate 
shall  have  the  “power  to  make  treaties”  (Art.  II,  2)  ; 
and  that  “Congress  shall  have  power  ...  to  make  all 
laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying 
into  execution  the  foregoing  powers  and  all  other  powers 
vested  by  this  Constitution  in  the  Government  of  the 
United  States”  (Art.  I,  Sect.  VIII,  18). 

Although  the  Constitution  clearly  gives  Congress  the 
power  to  pass  legislation  that  would  enable  the  Federal 
Executive  to  deal  directly  with  all  infringements  of  treaty 
rights  guaranteed  to  aliens,  Congress  has  never  passed 
the  necessary  laws.  It  has  left  to  local  authorities  the 
responsibility  of  carrying  out  the  provisions  of  treaties. 
When  these  have  been  ignored  or  violated,  the  Federal 
Government  has  been  helpless  because  no  laws  of  Congress 
have  given  powers  covering  the  case. 


WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


107 


In  consequence  of  this  situation,  crimes  have  been  com¬ 
mitted  against  aliens  in  a  number  of  states,  the  perpetra¬ 
tors  of  which  have  been  protected  from  prosecution  and 
punishment  by  local  interests. 

The  Federal  Government  has  repeatedly  acknowledged 
its  responsibility  to  the  foreign  Governments  concerned 
by  paying  indemnities  and  by  making  humble  apologies. 
It  has  had  to  make  the  humiliating  confession  that  it 
was  not  able  to  fulfil  the  treaty  obligations  it  had  sol¬ 
emnly  assumed.  In  cases  of  threatened  danger  to  in¬ 
dividuals  or  groups  it  could  not  extend  protection,  and 
after  the  crime  had  been  committed  it  could  not  assure 
the  foreign  government  concerned  that  the  criminal  or 
criminals  would  be  tried  and  impartial  justice  would 
be  administered.  Legislation  to  meet  these  obligations 
has  been  urged  by  Presidents  Harrison,  McKinley,  Roose¬ 
velt  and  Taft. 

In  his  annual  message  of  December,  1906,  President 
Roosevelt  said: 

One  of  the  greatest  embarrassments  attending  the  per¬ 
formance  of  our  international  obligations  is  the  fact  that 
the  statutes  of  the  United  States  are  entirely  inadequate. 
They  fail  to  give  to  the  national  government  sufficiently  am¬ 
ple  power,  through  United  States  Courts  and  by  the  use  of 
the  army  and  navy,  to  protect  aliens  in  the  rights  secured  to 
them  under  solemn  treaties  which  are  the  law  of  the  land.  I 
therefore  earnestly  recommend  that  the  criminal  and  civil 
statutes  of  the  United  States  be  so  amended  and  added  to  as 
to  enable  the  President,  acting  for  the  United  States  Govern¬ 
ment,  which  is  responsible  in  our  international  relations,  to 
enforce  the  rights  of  aliens  under  treaties.  There  should  be 
no  particle  of  doubt  as  to  the  power  of  the  national  govern¬ 
ment  completely  to  perform  and  enforce  its  own  obligations 
to  other  nations.  The  mob  of  a  single  city  may  at  any  time 
perform  acts  of  lawless  violence  against  some  class  of  for¬ 
eigners  which  would  plunge  us  into  war.  That  city  by  itself 
would  be  powerless  to  make  defense  against  the  foreign  power 
thus  assaulted,  and  if  independent  of  this  government  it  would 
never  venture  to  perform  or  permit  the  performance  of  the 
acts  complained  of.  The  entire  power  and  the  whole  duty  to 


108  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


protect  the  offending  city  of  the  offending  community  lies  in 
the  hands  of  the  United  States  Government.  It  is  unthinkable 
that  we  should  continue  a  policy  under  which  a  given  locality 
may  be  allowed  to  commit  a  crime  against  a  friendly  nation, 
and  the  United  States  Government  limited,  not  to  prevention 
of  the  commission  of  the  crime,  but,  in  the  last  resort,  to 
defending  the  people  who  have  committed  it  against  the  con¬ 
sequences  of  their  wrongdoing. 

In  his  inaugural  address  March  4,  1909,  President  Taft 
said : 

By  proper  legislation  we  may,  and  ought  to,  place  in  the 
hands  of  the  federal  executive  the  means  of  enforcing  the 
treaty  rights  of  such  aliens  in  the  courts  of  the  Federal  Gov¬ 
ernment.  It  puts  our  Government  in  a  pusillanimous  position 
to  make  definite  engagements  to  protect  aliens  and  then  to 
excuse  the  failure  to  perform  those  engagements  by  an  ex¬ 
planation  that  the  duty  to  keep  them  is  in  states  or  cities  not 
within  our  control.  If  we  would  promise  we  must  put  ourselves 
in  a  position  to  perform  our  promise.  We  cannot  permit  the 
possible  failure  of  justice,  due  to  local  prejudice,  in  any  State 
or  municipal  government,  to  expose  us  to  the  risk  of  a  war, 
wdiich  might  be  avoided  if  Federal  jurisdiction  were  asserted 
by  suitable  legislation  by  Congress  and  carried  out  by  proper 
proceedings  instituted  by  the  executive  in  the  courts  of  the 
national  government. 

A  practical  duty  is  required  of  us,  to  pass  the  neces¬ 
sary  laws.  Bills  have  been  repeatedly  introduced  both 
in  the  Senate  and  the  House  providing  for  the  neces¬ 
sary  legislation.  One  was  drafted  by  President  Taft  him¬ 
self  shortly  after  leaving  the  White  House.1  It  was  en- 

aA  Bill 

For  the  better  Protection  of  Aliens  and  for  the  Enforcement  of 
their  Treaty  Bights. 

Section  1.  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa¬ 
tives  of  the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That 
the  President  of  the  United  States  be  authorized  to  direct  the  Attor¬ 
ney-General,  in  the  name  and  behalf  of  the  United  States,  to  file  a 
bill  in  equity  in  the  proper  district  court  of  the  United  States 
against  any  person  or  persons  threatening  to  violate  the  rights  of 
a  citizen  or  subject  of  a  foreign  country  secured  to  such  citizen  or 


WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


109 


dorsed  by  the  American  Bar  Association.  The  failure 
to  secure  the  enactment  of  the  necessary  legislation  has 
been  due  to  the  apathy  of  the  moral  conscience  of  the 
people.  Congress  will  do  what  the  people  wish  when 
the  people  make  their  wishes  clearly  known,  and  pro¬ 
pose  to  make  those  wishes  count  at  the  polls. 

The  Immigration  Question 

The  attitude  taken  by  many  peoples  toward  the  United 
States  is  being  deeply  affected  by  the  treatment  received 
in  America  by  the  immigrants  of  those  peoples  that  have 

subject  by  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  such  foreign  coun¬ 
try;  and  that  this  provision  shall  apply  to  acts  threatened  by  State 
officers  under  the  alleged  justification  of  a  law  of  the  legislature  of 
the  State  in  which  such  acts  are  to  be  committed.  The  aliens  whose 
rights  are  affected  may  be  joined  as  complainants  with  the  United 
States  in  such  equitable  proceeding,  and  jurisdiction  is  hereby  given 
to  the  proper  district  courts  to  maintain  such  action.  .  .  . 

Section  3.  That  any  act  committed  in  any  State  or  Territory  of 
the  United  States  in  violation  of  the  rights  of  a  citizen  or  subject 
of  a  foreign  country,  secured  to  such  citizen  or  subject  by  a  treaty 
between  the  United  States  and  such  foreign  country,  which  act  con¬ 
stitutes  a  crime  under  the  laws  of  such  State  or  Territory,  shall 
constitute  a  like  crime  against  the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  United 
States,  punishable  in  like  manner  as  in  the  courts  of  said  State  or 
Territory,  and  within  the  period  limited  by  the  laws  of  such  State 
or  Territory,  and  may  be  prosecuted  in  the  courts  of  the  United 
States,  and,  upon  conviction,  the  sentence  executed  in  like  manner  as 
sentences  upon  convictions  for  crimes  under  the  laws  of  the  United 
States. 

Section  4.  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  hereby 
expressly  authorized  to  use  the  marshals  of  the  United  States  and 
their  deputies  to  maintain  the  peace  of  the  United  States  when 
violated  by  the  commission  of  such  acts  as  are  denounced  in  the 
preceding  section;  and  should,  in  his  judgment,  the  circumstances 
demand  it,  he  is  empowered  to  use  the  army  and  the  navy  for  the 
same  purpose. 

The  third  section  of  the  foregoing  has  been  incorporated  in  the 
Dyer  Anti-Lynching  Bill  which  has  passed  the  House  and  as  we  go 
to  press  is  still  before  the  Senate. 


110  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


come  to  this  land.  Until  recent  years  few  Americans 
had  any  conception  of  the  hardships,  neglect,  injustices 
and  criminal  wrongs  that  were  encountered  by  strangers 
from  other  lands.  The  phenomenal  prosperity  of  the 
United  States  due  to  our  industrial  development  during 
the  last  three  or  four  decades  has  been  made  possible 
by  the  large  volume  of  men  and  women  from  abroad 
ready  to  accept  any  work  that  was  offered  them.  We 
have  nevertheless  paid  scant  attention  to  their  most  ele¬ 
mental  human  needs.  We  now  begin  to  see  how  inhuman 
has  been  the  advantage  taken  of  their  ignorance  and 
their  defenselessness.  They  have  been  ruthlessly  ex¬ 
ploited.  As  an  inevitable  result  deep  feelings  of  indig¬ 
nation  and  resentment  have  been  developing  against  our 
social  and  political  system  by  large  sections  of  our  in¬ 
dustrial  workers  and  shared  in  by  the  corresponding  ele¬ 
ments  in  foreign  lands.  Even  our  laws  have  been  in 
too  many  instances  devised  to  hamper  them,  while  our 
courts,  our  lawyers  and  our  judges  have  failed  to  render 
the  specific  services  that  these  institutions  and  persons 
are  created  to  perform.1  In  the  present  section  we  can 
deal  in  only  the  most  general  way  with  the  immigration 
question. 

For  fifty  years  Congress  has  been  developing  step  by 
step  a  sound  policy  for  the  regulation  of  immigration. 
It  has  been  increasingly  a  selective  policy — a  policy  for 
the  exclusion  of  seriously  diseased,  flagrantly  immoral, 
dangerously  radical  and,  very  recently,  wholly  illiterate, 

1Trhe  charges  made  could  hardly  be  believed  were  it  not  for  the 
large  amount  of  explicit  evidence.  The  student  of  this  question 
should  consult  the  “Report  on  the  Steel  Strike  of  1919,”  issued  by 
the  Inter-Church  World  Movement;  also  the  volume  by  R.  E.  Smith 
entitled  “Justice  and  the  Poor.”  A  work  of  exceptional  merit  show¬ 
ing  how  treatment  in  America  has  affected  a  single  racial  group  and 
their  people  in  the  home  land  is  Jerome  Davis’  volume,  “The  Russian 
Immigrant.” 


WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


111 


individuals.  It  has  also,  for  forty  years,  excluded  Asiatic 
labor  fairly  effectively. 

In  spite  of  increasing  restrictions  which,  however,  have 
been  only  imperfectly  administered,  immigration  grew  to 
vast  proportions  during  the  decade  before  the  war,  espe¬ 
cially  from  the  countries  of  East  and  South  Europe. 

Although  the  incoming  immigrant  has  been  carefully 
counted  each  year  for  a  century  the  record  of  departures 
began  to  be  kept  only  in  1908.  The  table  on  page  112  dis¬ 
closes  the  statistical  facts  in  the  situation: 

For  a  better  understanding  of  what  has  been  taking 
place,  these  figures  need  to  be  analyzed  as  to  race  and 
sex.  A  brief  summary  of  these  facts  is  given  in  the  fol¬ 
lowing  table: 

In  regard  to  the  foregoing  figures  the  following  items 
may  be  particularly  noted : 

1.  The  increase  of  all  males  exceeded  that  of  all  fe¬ 
males  by  some  436,000. 

2.  Northwest  Europeans  increased  by  1,560,000  while 
other  Europeans,  including  Hebrews,  increased  by  some 
2,702,000. 

3.  The  increase  of  Mexicans  (246,999)  and  of  Afri¬ 
cans  (73,702)  is  surprising. 

4.  Japanese  males  decreased  by  16,703  and  Chinese 
males  by  16,988.  In  both  cases  the  females  increased 
35,482  and  2002  respectively. 

5.  Emigrants  whose  race  is  not  specified  are  surpris¬ 
ingly  numerous  (72,526). 

The  immigration  law  of  1917  specified  with  much 
care  the  classes  of  aliens  who  should  be  excluded  from 
the  United  States  (criminals,  diseased,  immoral,  mental 
defectives,  anarchists,  and  the  like),  and  for  the  first 
time  made  a  certain  amount  of  literary  ability  a  require¬ 
ment  for  admission  (ability  to  read  forty  words  in  one’s 
own  language). 

Many  students  have  been  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
numerical  regulation  of  immigration  has  become  im- 


Increase  of  Foreign-born  in  the  United  States — 1909-1920 


112  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


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114  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  EOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 

portant.  This  idea  was  first  incorporated  into  the  law 
by  the  three  per  cent,  emergency  immigration  legislation 
enacted  in  May,  1921,  for  a  single  year  and  extended  for 
two  years  in  April,  1922  (effective  until  June  30,  1924). 
This  law  specifies  that  the  permissible  amount  of  immi¬ 
gration  for  the  year  from  any  given  country  shall  not 
exceed  three  per  cent,  of  those  of  that  country  resident 
in  the  United  States  as  shown  in  the  census  of  1910.  ihe 
following  table  gives  the  “quotas”  for  the  principal  coun¬ 
tries,  and  the  admittances  for  the  years  ending  June  30, 
1921  and  1922: 


Country 

Legal 

Quota 

Admitted 
July  1, 1921 
to 

June  30, 
1922 

Per  cent, 
of  Quota 
Admitted 

Admitted 

J  uly  1, 1920 
to 

June  30, 
1921 

TT  nn  era  rv  ...... 

5,638 
3,294 
25,827 
42,057 
7,419 
14,282 
34,284 
5,729 
7,451  ; 
77,342 
12,202 
20,042 
68,059 
33,369 

6,035 

107.0 

7,702 

4-JL  U.XJ.^cXi.,7  •  •  •  •  •  • 

(rrPPPO  . .  . 

3,447 

104.6 

28,502 

T^nlnnrl  . 

26,129 

101.2 

95,089 

Ttalv  . . . 

42,149 

100.2 

222,260 

Pmnania  .  . . ... 

7,429 

100.1 

25,817 

Czecho-Slovakia. 
Pnssia  .  . . . 

14,248 

28,908 

99.8 

84.3 

40,884 

6,398 

I1  ranoft  .  . . 

4,343 

75.8 

9,552 

An  stria  . 

4,797 

64.4 

4,947 

United  Kingdom 

AT  nrwav  . 

42,670 

5,941 

55.2 

48.7 

79,577 

7,423 

Sweden  . 

8,766 

43.7 

9,171 

Germany  . . . . .  . 

19,053 

28.0 

6,803 

All  Other . 

30,038 

90.0 

261,103 

Total  . 

356,995 

243,953 

68.3 

805,228 

Admissions  constituted  68.3  per  cent,  of  the  number 
permitted  to  enter  under  the  terms  of  the  law.  The 
countries  of  Central  and  Southern  Europe  largely  filled 
their  quotas,  while  those  of  Northern  Europe  sent  much 
less  than  their  allotment. 


WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


115 


Experience  with  the  administration  of  this  percentage 
law  since  June  15,  1921,  has  shown  elements  of  value 
and  also  of  weakness.  Certain  needless  hardships  and 
injustices  were  encountered.  Over  2500  cases  had  to  be 
temporarily  admitted  by  March,  1922,  on  the  authority  of 
the  Secretary  of  Labor,  contrary  to  the  letter  of  the  law, 
because  its  enforcement  would  amount  to  inhumanity. 
Congress  had  accordingly  to  pass  a  law  in  March  giving 
all  these  persons  privileges  of  permanent  residence  in 
the  United  States,  thus  sanctioning  the  acts  of  clemency 
of  the  Secretary  of  Labor  and  proving  the  inadequacy 
of  its  own  statute  enacted  less  than  a  year  before. 

It  was  expected  by  many  that  these  defects  of  the  law 
would  be  remedied  when  it  was  extended  for  two  years. 
It  was  not  done.  Special  information,  however,  shows 
that  the  Departments  of  State  and  Labor  are  collaborat¬ 
ing  in  promoting  a  better  situation.  The  preliminary 
examination  of  immigrants  is  being  carried  on  at  a  num¬ 
ber  of  foreign  Consulates  and  care  is  being  taken  to  vise 
the  passports  of  only  those  who  can  get  in  and  only  up 
to  the  amounts  of  the  quotas  for  each  people.  This  pro¬ 
cedure  will  go  far  toward  avoiding  the  major  part  of 
the  hardship  thus  far  encountered. 

It  is  clear,  however,  that  the  present  three  per  cent, 
emergency  law  cannot  be  a  permanent  one.  We  need 
a  comprehensive  law  that  will  be  honorable  and  safe  for 
the  United  States,  and  that  will  deal  fairly  with  immi¬ 
grants  from  all  lands,  creating  attitudes  toward  us  of 
friendship  and  appreciation. 

The  principles  that  should  be  embodied  in  a  general  im¬ 
migration  law  would  seem  to  he  such  as  these: 

1.  Immigration  should  be  regulated  and  selected  both 
in  quantity  and  in  quality. 

2.  No  more  immigration  should  be  admitted  of  any 
nationality  than  we  can  wholesomely  assimilate  and  in 
a  reasonable  length  of  time  wisely  incorporate  into  our 
body  politic. 


116  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


3.  No  more  immigration  should  be  admitted  than  can 
find  steady  and  useful  employment  without  endangering 
normal  American  standards  of  life,  labor  and  wages. 

4.  The  numerical  regulation  of  immigration  should  be 
flexible.  When  industrial  depression  sweeps  the  country, 
all  labor  immigration  should  be  promptly  stopped.  But 
the  doors  should  again  be  opened  when  prosperity  re¬ 
turns.  It  should  he  possible  to  take  either  step  without 
waiting  for  special  Congressional  action. 

5.  The  closing  and  opening  of  our  doors  should  be 
scientific.  It  should  be  based  on  assured  and  accurately 
compiled  facts  and  statistics  from  every  part  of  the 
country. 

6.  The  law  should  be  general.  The  principles  should 
be  applied  equally  to  every  nation  and  people  without  ar¬ 
bitrary  discrimination. 

7.  The  law  should  be  courteous  to  all.  It  should  be 
possible,  without  humiliating  any,  to  exclude  completely 
particular  types  of  immigration  which  definite  experience 
shows  to  be  difficult  to  assimilate  and  absorb. 

8.  The  law  should  provide  for  the  sending  of  expert 
examiners  to  the  lands  from  which  immigration  mostly 
comes — this  for  the  sake  of  both  prospective  immigrants 
and  of  our  own  land. 

9.  The  law  should  make  possible  a  wise  distribution 
of  new  immigration.  The  flow  should  be  restricted  or  en¬ 
tirely  stopped  from  given  peoples,  to  already  congested 
areas,  and  encouraged  to  go  to  those  parts  of  America 
where  it  is  desired. 

10.  The  new  immigration  policy  should  be  distinctly 
patriotic.  It  should  favor  immigration  from  peoples 
easily  assimilated  and  check  it  from  other  lands.  It  should 
guarantee  equal  treatment  and  a  square  deal  to  all  aliens 
now  in  the  United  States.  It  should  provide  for  higher 
standards  for  naturalization  and  then  grant  the  privi¬ 
leges  of  citizenship  to  all  who  qualify.  It  should  look 
to  the  creation  of  a  substantially  homogeneous  people 


WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


117 


having  a  common  mind,  and  a  wholesomely  functioning 
democracy. 

In  a  single  sentence,  the  immigration  policy  now 
urgently  needed  by  the  United  States  should  provide  for 
the  flexible  regulation  of  selected  immigration  of  law- 
abiding  assimilable  aliens;  the  selection  being  continu¬ 
ously  adjustable  in  amount  to  meet  changing  economic 
and  industrial  conditions;  all  the  relevant  facts  both  in 
America  and  in  other  lands  being  ascertained  with  sci¬ 
entific  care;  the  selection  being  made  by  expert  immi¬ 
gration  examiners  in  the  lands  from  which  immigrants 
come;  the  immigrants  being  selected  as  to  character,  oc¬ 
cupation  and  numbers  with  a  view  to  their  wholesome 
distribution  from  the  standpoint  of  assimilation,  Ameri- 
canization  and  steady  employment  on  normal  American 
standards  of  life,  labor  and  wages ;  the  application  of  these 
principles  being  universal,  applying  equally  to  all  peoples 
and  free  therefore  from  race  prejudice  and  arbitrary  race 
discrimination;  the  whole  procedure  being  controlled  by 
the  fundamental  policy  of  promoting  the  creation  in  this 
land  of  a  substantially  homogeneous  people  and  a  suc¬ 
cessfully  functioning  democracy. 

Such  a  policy,  carefully  embodied  in  an  adequate  law, 
and  loyally  administered,  would  go  far  toward  removing 
certain  serious  obstacles  to  good  international  feeling  be¬ 
tween  the  United  States  and  many  race  groups  and  for¬ 
eign  peoples  and  would  constitute  an  important  step  in 
our  Christian  program  for  the  establishment  of  a  Warless 
World. 


CHAPTER  IX 


Some  Concrete  Tasks  in  Working  for  a  Warless 

World — (  Concluded) 

4.  Keeping  Faith  with  China 

5.  Right  Treatment  of  Japanese  in  America 


“Today  our  eyes  are  upon  the  welter  of  Europe;  tomorrow 
we  shall  be  wrestling  with  an  energy  born  of  desperation  with 
the  economic  effects  of  the  World  War.  But  the  day  after 
that  we  shall  face  the  struggle  of  the  white  and  the  yellow  races. 
Already  our  ship  of  state,  and  every  other  ship  of  state,  is  en¬ 
tering  the  rapids.  We  lift  our  faces  to  Christ  because  he  alone 
can  furnish  the  guidance  which  will  clear  the  rocks  and  the 
power  which  will  bring  us  all  to  our  desired  haven.” 

— Bishop  Bashford. 


SOME  CONCRETE  TASKS  IN  WORKING  FOR  A 
WARLESS  WORLD— Concluded 


Keeping  Faith  with  China 
The  story  of  our  dealings  with  China  is  as  a  whole  one 
of  which  we  need  not  be  ashamed.  We  have  not  shared  in 
the  aggressive  designs  of  European  peoples.  We  have 
not  seized  her  territory,  bombarded  her  ports,  extracted 
indemnities  or  pillaged  her  capitals,  as  have  other  nations. 
On  the  contrary,  we  have  helped  preserve  her  from  “par¬ 
tition”  at  a  grave  crisis  in  her  relations  with  Western 
lands.  We  returned  a  considerable  part  of  the  Boxer 
indemnity  that  came  to  us.  We  have  stood  for  the  “open 
door77  and  a  square  deal.  Our  Consular  Courts  have, 
on  the  whole,  been  models  of  probity  and  justice.  The 
work  of  our  missionaries  in  hospitals,  in  education,  and 
in  famine  and  flood  relief,  has  been  highly  appreciated. 
The  new  hope  held  out  to  China  by  the  achievements  of 
the  Washington  Conference  on  Limitation  of  Armament 
is  largely  due  to  American  friendship  and  help. 

In  consequence  of  such  factors  the  Chinese  as  a  nation 
hold  today  a  highly  gratifying  attitude  of  friendship 
toward  us.  So  conspicuous  has  this  friendship  become, 
especially  since  the  establishment  of  the  Republic  (1912), 
that  other  nations  have  begun  to  note  it.  In  the  reforms 
taking  place  in  China,  especially  in  her  educational  sys¬ 
tem,  in  her  political  and  social  reorganization,  and  in  her 
moral  and  religious  awakening,  the  influence  of  Americans 
is  far  beyond  that  exercised  by  any  other  people. 

All  this  is  certainly  reassuring.  But  how  long  may  we 
expect  to  retain  China’s  gratitude,  appreciation  and 

121 


122  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


friendship  ?  For  a  forecast,  we  need  to  ask  ourselves  how 
we  are  treating  Chinese  in  America. 

When  we  turn  to  the  story  of  what  many  Chinese  have 
suffered  here,  our  cheeks  tingle  with  shame.  The  story 
would  be  incredible  were  it  not  overwhelmingly  verified 
by  ample  documentary  evidence.1  Treaties  have  pledged 
rights,  immunities  and  protection  and,  specifically,  “most 
favored  nation  treatment”  for  all  Chinese  in  the  United 
States.  They  have,  nevertheless,  been  disregarded  and 
violated;  and  this  not  only  by  private  individuals  hut 
by  legislators  and  administrative  officials.  Scores  of 
Chinese  have  been  murdered,  hundreds  wounded  and 
thousands  robbed  by  anti-Asiatic  mobs,  with  no  protec¬ 
tion  for  the  victims  and  no  punishment  for  the  culprits. 
State  Legislatures,  and  even  Congress,  have  enacted  laws 
in  contravention  of  treaty  provisions.  Men  appointed  to 
Federal  executive  offices  have  at  times  administered  those 
laws  and  regulations  in  highly  offensive  methods. 

Throughout  this  entire  period  of  nearly  half  a  century 
Christian  churches  that  were  sending  their  missionaries 
and  relief  funds  to  China  made  no  serious  efforts  to 
secure  legislative  and  political  protection  for  Chinese  law¬ 
fully  in  this  land.  This  is  one  of  the  amazing  anomalies 
of  our  times.  Those  who  are  earnest  for  the  achievement 
of  a  Warless  World  need  to  know  the  facts  in  order  that 
they  may  be  prepared  to  do  their  part  in  rectifying  the 
wrong  and  in  establishing  the  right. 

Let  us  consider  briefly  some  of  the  details  of  the  situa¬ 
tion.  It  will  be  well  to  premise  that  all  in  all  Chinese 
in  America  have  not  been  treated  badly.  In  general  they 

1The  student  of  American  Chinese  relations  should  familiarize 
himself  with  Professor  M.  R.  Coolidge’s  volume  entitled  “Chinese 
Immigration.”  Recent  discussions  of  these  questions  will  be  found 
in  “The  Fight  for  Peace”  and  “American  Democracy  and  Asiatic 
Citizenship,”  both  by  Sidney  L.  Gulick.  The  paragraphs  of  the  text 
have  been  freely  quoted  from  various  pamphlets  prepared  by  the 
writer. 


WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


123 


have  received  police  protection ;  their  lives  have  been  safe ; 
they  have  been  able  to  carry  on  successful  business.  So 
attractive  to  them  is  the  opportunity  of  life  here  that 
they  have  stayed  on  and  every  year  not  a  few  succeed 
in  smuggling  their  way  into  our  land.  The  dark  picture 
about  to  be  sketched,  accordingly,  is  not  to  be  understood 
as  describing  the  regular  features  of  Chinese  experience. 

Adequately  to  appreciate  the  full  significance  of  our 
anti-Chinese  legislation  we  must  begin  the  story  with  a 
few  quotations  from  treaties  by  which  America  invited 
Chinese  to  this  country. 

Article  V.  of  the  treaty  of  1868  reads  in  part: 

“The  United  States  of  America  and  the  Emperor  of 
China  cordially  recognize  the  inherent  and  inalienable 
right  of  man  to  change  his  home  and  allegiance  and  also 
the  mutual  advantage  of  the  free  migration  and  emigra¬ 
tion  of  their  citizens  and  subjects  respectively  .  .  .  for 
purposes  of  curiosity,  trade  or  as  permanent  residents.” 

But  Article  VI,  after  promising  reciprocal  “most 
favored  nation”  enjoyment  of  “privileges,  immunities  and 
exemptions,”  adds  that  this  does  not  “confer  naturaliza¬ 
tion”  upon  their  respective  citizens.  This  clause  doubt¬ 
less  meant  that  the  mere  fact  of  residence  in  the  other’s 
land  did  not  of  itself  alone  carry  citizenship  in  that  land. 
For  up  till  1880  a  few  Chinese  were  granted  naturaliza¬ 
tion  in  the  United  States.  In  harmony  with  the  pro¬ 
visions  of  this  treaty  considerable  Chinese  immigration 
into  the  United  States  occurred  during  the  seventh  and 
eighth  decades  of  the  last  century. 

Anti-Chinese  agitation  soon  developed  in  the  Pacific 
Coast  states.  Growing  violent  in  the  seventies,  it  led  to 
the  sending  of  a  Commission  to  China  which  negotiated 
the  supplementary  treaty  of  1880. 

The  principal  provisions  of  this  treaty  are  as  follows: 

Article  I  provides  that  “the  Government  of  the  United 
States  may  regulate,  limit  or  suspend  such  coming  or 
residence  of  Chinese  (laborers),  but  may  not  absolutely 


124  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


prohibit  it.  The  limitation  or  suspension  shall  he  reason¬ 
able  and  shall  apply  only  to  .  .  .  laborers.” 

Article  II  provides  that:  “Chinese  laborers  who  are 
now  in  the  United  States  shall  be  allowed  to  go  and  come 
of  their  own  free  will  and  accord,  and  shall  be  accorded 
all  the  rights,  privileges,  immunities,  and  exemptions 
which  are  accorded  to  citizens  and  subjects  of  the  most 
favored  nation.” 

Article  III  provides  that  in  case  of  ill  treatment  the 
“Government  of  the  United  States  will  exert  all  its  power 
to  devise  measures  for  their  protection  and  to  secure  to 
them  the  same  rights,  privileges,  immunities  and  exemp¬ 
tions  as  may  he  enjoyed  by  citizens  or  subjects  of  the 
most  favored  nation,  and  to  which  they  are  entitled  by 
treaty.” 

Article  IV  provides  that  legislative  measures  dealing 
with  Chinese  shall  be  “communicated  to  the  Government 
of  China,”  and  if  found  “to  work  hardship  upon  the 
subjects  of  China,  consultations  shall  he  held  to  the  end 
that  mutual  and  unqualified  benefit  may  result.” 

In  spite,  however,  of  the  complete  cessation  in  1882 
of  Chinese  labor  immigration,  and  in  spite  of  the  promises 
of  our  Government  to  provide  protection,  “and  most 
favored  nation  treatment,”  the  unjust  treatment  of 
Chinese  did  not  cease.  The  outrages  committed  on  the 
Chinese  during  the  eighties  were  even  more  frightful  and 
inexcusable  than  those  of  the  preceding  decade. 

In  his  discussion  of  the  question  whether  the  Federal 
Government  should  protect  aliens  in  their  treaty  rights, 
Ex-President  William  H.  Taft  cites  the  cases  of  fifty 
Chinamen  who  suffered  death  at  the  hands  of  American 
mobs  in  our  Western  States,  and  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty  others,  many  of  whom  were  wounded  and  robbed 
of  all  their  property.  The  list  does  not  profess  to  be 
complete.  All  these  outrages  have  occurred  since  1885. 

“In  an  official  note  of  February  15,  1886,  riots  were 
reported  at  Bloomfield,  Redding,  Boulder  Creek,  Eureka 


WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


125 


and  other  towns  in  California,  involving  murder,  arson 
and  robbery,  and  it  was  added  that  thousands  of  Chinese 
had  been  driven  from  their  homes.” 

None  of  the  criminals  were  punished  in  spite  of  the 
article  in  the  treaty  which  expressly  provides  that  in 
case  “Chinese  laborers  meet  with  ill  treatment  at  the  hands 
of  other  persons,  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
will  exert  all  its  power  to  devise  measures  for  their  pro¬ 
tection  and  secure  to  them  the  same  rights,  privileges, 
immunities,  and  exemptions  as  may  be  enjoyed  by  citi¬ 
zens  or  subjects  of  the  most  favored  nation  and  to  which 
they  are  entitled  by  treaty.”  Congress,  it  is  true,  has 
voted  indemnities  for  families  of  those  murdered,  hut 
financial  remuneration  can  hardly  he  supposed  to  take 
the  place  of  justice  or  to  be  a  substitute  for  observance 
of  treaty  pledges. 

It  is  sometimes  said  that  Italians  and  other  aliens 
suffered  similarly  from  mob  violence  and  they  too  were 
not  protected,  nor  were  the  criminals  punished,  and  that 
therefore  China  cannot  complain  of  exceptional  treatment. 
But  is  it  not  obvious  that  failure  of  the  United  States  to 
fulfill  its  treaty  pledges  to  Italy  and  other  countries  in 
no  wise  justifies  similar  failure  toward  China?  Does  it 
not  rather  show  that  the  United  States  is  culpable  for 
failure  to  make  adequate  provision  for  the  faithful  per¬ 
formance  of  its  treaty  pledges?  This  moral  and  legal 
defect  has  become  most  conspicuous  in  our  relations  with 
China,  hut  its  culpability  is  in  no  wise  lessened — rather  it 
is  aggravated — as  soon  as  it  becomes  clear  that  the  defect 
is  entirely  due  to  the  failure  of  Congress  to  take  the 
needed  action.  For  provision  for  such  action  is  made  by 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

The  failure  of  Congress  seems  inexcusable,  for  it 
found  time  to  enact  not  only  the  first  general  exclusion 
law  in  harmony  with  the  treaty  with  China,  but  also  sev¬ 
eral  supplementary  laws,  of  which  important  clauses  are 
admittedly  in  contravention  to  the  treaty. 


126  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


The  Scott  Law  of  1888  and  the  Geary  Law  of  1892 
are  still  in  force,  though  the  essential  injustice  of  some 
of  their  provisions  and  their  disregard  of  Chinese  treaty 
rights  are  now  recognized.  They  are  producing  constant 
anti-American  feeling  among  Chinese  legitimately  in 
America.  Even  in  cosmopolitan  New  York  and  in  Boston, 
Chinese  sometimes  suffer  from  the  acts  of  federal  officers 
who  supervise  Chinese  residents  in  the  United  States, 
acts,  moreover  which  are  required  by  the  laws  and  admin¬ 
istrative  regulations  dealing  with  the  Chinese. 

With  regard  to  the  Scott  Law,  Senator  Sherman  said 
that  it  was  “one  of  the  most  vicious  laws  that  have  passed 
in  my  time  in  Congress.”  It  was  passed  as  a  “mere  polit¬ 
ical  race  between  the  two  houses  ...  in  the  face  of 
a  Presidential  election.”  Senator  Dawes  sarcastically 
referred  to  keeping  the  treaties  as  long  as  we  had  a  mind 
to.  The  law  was  “a  rank  unblushing  repudiation  of  every 
treaty  obligation  .  .  .  unwarranted  by  any  existing 

danger — a  violation  such  as  the  United  States  would  not 
dare  to  commit  toward  any  warlike  nation  of  Europe.” 

With  regard  to  the  Geary  Law,  Professor  Coolidge 
makes  the  following  statement: 

Meanwhile  the  Chinese  Minister  at  Washington,  the  Consul- 
General  at  San  Francisco  and  the  Yamen  at  Peking  were  also 
protesting  against  the  act.  The  Chinese  Minister  had  steadily 
protested  ever  since  the  Scott  Act  against  the  plain  violation 
of  treaty ;  just  preceding  the  Geary  Act,  he  wrote  six  letters  to 
Mr.  Blaine  only  two  of  which  were  so  much  as  acknowledged. 
He  now  declared  that  the  Geary  Act  was  worse  than  the  Scott 
Act,  for  it  not  only  violated  every  single  article  of  the  treaty 
of  1880  but  also  denied  bail,  required  white  witnesses,  allowed 
arrest  without  warrant  and  put  the  burden  of  proof  on  the 
Chinese.  He  quoted  our  own  statement  on  the  harsh  and 
hasty  character  of  the  act,  not  required  by  any  existing  emer¬ 
gency,  whose  political  motive  was  well  understood  both  in 
China  and  the  United  States.  In  his  final  protest  he  said: 
“The  statute  of  1892  is  a  violation  of  every  principle  of 
justice,  equity,  reason  and  fair  dealing  between  two  friendly 
powers.” 


WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


127 


Not  unnaturally,  both  the  Chinese,  and  Americans  inter¬ 
ested  in  maintaining  right  relations  with  China,  looked  to 
the  Supreme  Court  to  declare  unconstitutional  such  laws 
as  contravene  treaties — for  are  not  treaties  “the  supreme 
law  of  the  land”  ?  The  Chinese  accordingly  brought  for¬ 
ward  a  test  case  dealing  with  certain  provisions  of  the 
Scott  Act  (1888). 

Judge  Field,  who  pronounced  the  judgment  of  the  court, 
said: 

It  must  he  conceded  that  the  Act  of  1888  is  in  contravention 
of  the  treaty  of  1868  and  of  the  supplemental  treaty  of  1880, 
but  it  is  not  on  that  account  invalid.  ...  It  (a  treaty)  can 
be  deemed  .  .  .  only  the  equivalent  of  a  legislative  act,  to  be 
repealed  or  modified  at  the  pleasure  of  Congress.  ...  It  is  the 
last  expression  of  sovereign  will  and  must  control.  .  .  .  The 
question  whether  our  government  was  justified  in  disregard¬ 
ing  its  engagements  with  another  nation  is  not  one  for  the 
determination  of  the  courts.  .  .  .  This  court  is  not  a  censor 
of  the  morals  of  the  other  departments  of  the  government. 

This  made  it  clear  that  a  treaty  is  not  the  “supreme 
law  of  the  land”  except  as  Congress  makes  it  so.  Congress 
can,  without  violation  of  the  Constitution,  repeal  or  amend 
any  part  of  a  treaty  even  without  securing  the  consent  of 
the  other  party  to  the  treaty,  and  even  without  conference. 
Treaties  are  declared  by  this  decision  to  have  no  binding 
power  upon  Congress.  The  Supreme  Court  declined  to 
take  note  of  the  moral  obligations  of  treaty  pledges.  Dis¬ 
appointing  though  it  may  be,  this  is  unquestionably  correct 
law.  Aliens  deprived  by  Congress  of  rights  promised  by 
treaties  may  not  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court  for  the 
enforcement  of  those  rights.  The  Administration  can 
indeed  use  the  entire  military  force  of  the  country  to  make 
a  foreign  nation  observe  its  treaty  obligations  to  us,  but 
according  to  the  interpretation  of  our  Constitution,  neither 
the  Administration  nor  the  Supreme  Court  can  hold 
Congress  to  the  observance  of  our  treaty  pledges.  The 
President  has  of  course  the  power  to  veto  an  act  of 


128  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


Congress,  but  experience  shows  that  even  Presidents  do 
not  always  regard  treaties  as  binding,  for  the  treaty-ignor¬ 
ing  laws  have  been  signed  by  the  Presidents  then  in  office. 
This  makes  it  clear  that  the  moral  obligations  of  our  nation 
must  be  carefully  safeguarded  by  the  people  themselves. 
We  must  hold  our  representatives  in  Congress  to  their 
moral  responsibilities  in  international  as  in  all  other  rela¬ 
tions.  This  is  a  matter  of  moral  energy — not  of  law. 

In  1904  Congress  again  contravened  the  treaty  with 
China.  The  treaty  (1880)  states  that  “The  United  States 
may  regulate,  limit,  or  suspend  such  coming  or  residence 
(of  Chinese  labor  immigration)  but  may  not  absolutely 
prohibit  it.  The  limitation  of  suspension  shall  be  reas¬ 
onable/’ 

In  harmony  with  these  explicit  provisions,  Congress 
provided  in  1882,  in  1892  and  again  in  1902  for  the  tem¬ 
porary  suspension  of  Chinese  labor  immigration  for 
periods  of  ten  years  each.  By  1894,  however,  so  many 
of  the  laws  and  treasury  regulations  dealing  with  the 
Chinese  had  become  so  manifestly  violations  of  the  treaty 
that  a  new  one  was  prepared  in  Washington  to  meet  the 
difficulty,  embodying  the  principal  features  of  the  anti- 
Chinese  legislation.  It  proved,  however,  so  obnoxious  to 
the  Chinese  Government  that  at  the  first  opportunity, 
namely  at  the  expiration  (1904)  of  the  ten-year  period 
for  which  the  treaty  itself  provided,  China  denounced  the 
treaty.  The  relations  of  the  two  countries  therefore  fell 
back  onto  the  treaty  of  1880,  which  had  been  neither 
rejected  nor  amended.  In  spite,  however,  of  its  provisions 
quoted  above,  Congress  then  enacted  that  “all  laws  reg¬ 
ulating,  suspending  or  prohibiting  the  coming  of  Chinese 
persons — are  hereby  reenacted,  extended  and  continued 
without  modification,  limitation  or  condition”,  this  again 
plainly  contravening  the  treaty. 

The  history  of  anti-Chinese  legislation,  as  it  has  been 
carried  through  Congress  under  the  pressure  of  legislators 
from  the  Pacific  Coast  states,  from  the  eighth  decade  of 


WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


129 


the  last  century  even  down  to  the  present,  and  the  way  in 
which  the  Asiatic  problem  has  been  made  the  “football  of 
party  politics7’  are  ill  omens  for  the  future  relations  of 
America  with  the  Orient.  Eight  times  in  fourteen  years 
anti-Chinese  agitation  on  the  Pacific  Coast  secured  increas¬ 
ingly  drastic  and  obnoxious  legislation  in  Congress.  “All 
but  one  of  these  measures  were  passed  on  the  eve  of  an 
election  under  political  pressure  for  avowed  political  pur¬ 
poses.”  That  legislation  contravened  plain  provisions  of 
the  treaties,  to  say  nothing  of  the  spirit,  and  disregarded 
courteous  protests  of  Chinese  ministers  and  ambassadors. 
China  sent  in  a  “stream  of  dignified  and  ineffectual  pro¬ 
tests.”  The  Chinese  Minister  even  charged  us  with 
duplicity  in  negotiating  the  treaty  of  1880.  “Mr.  Bayard 
assured  him  that  the  President  would  veto  any  legislation 
which  might  be  passed  in  violation  of  the  treaty.” 

If  the  faithful  observance  of  treaties  between  the  nations 
of  Europe  constitutes  the  very  foundation  of  civilization, 
is  not  the  faithful  observance  of  treaties  with  Asiatics  the 
foundation  of  right  relations  with  them  ?  In  other  words, 
do  not  treaties  ratified  by  Congress  have  moral  aspects 
which  should  place  them  on  a  higher  level  of  authority 
than  the  ordinary  acts  of  Congress  ?  Disregard  by 
Congress  of  this  fundamental  principle  for  the  mainten¬ 
ance  of  right  international  relations  is  fraught  with  omin¬ 
ous  consequences.  Congress  of  course  has  the  right  to 
abrogate  a  treaty,  but  there  is  a  right  way  and  also  a 
wrong  way  to  do  it.  Is  it  any  more  right  for  a  nation  to 
abrogate  an  inconvenient  treaty  by  simply  passing  laws  in 
contravention  to  certain  of  its  pledges  than  it  is  for  an 
individual  who  has  made  a  promise  to  another  individual 
giving  quid  pro  quo  suddenly  and  without  conference  to 
ignore  that  promise?  Is  it  conceivable  that  Congress 
would  have  treated  China  as  it  has,  had  she  been  equipped 
as  Japan  is  today,  with  the  instruments  of  occidental 
civilization  ? 

Now  when  China  becomes  equipped  with  a  daily  press 


130  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


and  adequate  world  news,  when  her  national  organization 
becomes  better  unified,  more  efficient  and  more  centralized, 
when  her  self-consciousness  is  more  perfectly  developed, 
and  when  she  learns  that  Chinese  entering  America  have 
often  suffered  ignominious  treatment,  that  Chinese  law¬ 
fully  here  are  still  deprived  of  rights  guaranteed  by  long 
standing  treaties,  and  that  privileges  granted  as  a  matter 
of  course  to  individuals  of  other  nations  are  refused  to 
Chinese  on  exclusively  racial  grounds,  is  it  not  as  certain 
as  the  sunrise  that  Chinese  friendship  for  America  will 
wane  and  serious  possibilities  develop? 

The  remedy  for  this  situation  is  the  adoption  of  a  gen¬ 
eral  immigration  law  absolutely  free  from  race  discrim¬ 
ination,  and  the  repeal  of  all  laws  dealing  specifically  with 
the  Chinese. 


Right  Treatment  of  Japanese  in  America 

Japan  is  one  of  the  world’s  great  powers,  the  leader 
of  the  Orient.  She  is  to  be  our  nearest  neighbor  across 
the  Pacific  for  a  thousand  years.  Shall  we  be  friendly 
or  hostile  neighbors?  That  depends  on  what  we  do  no 
less  than  on  what  she  does.  The  full  discussion  of  the 
complex  facts  of  Ihe  Japanese  question  on  the  Pacific 
Coast  is  beyond  the  scope  of  this  brief  chapter.1  A 
condensed  statement  of  the  situation  should,  however,  he 
made. 

Japanese  immigration  began  when  the  labor  vacuum 
arose  on  the  Pacific  Coast,  due  to  the  stoppage  in  1882 
of  Chinese  immigration.  Japanese  immigration  was  at 

JThe  student  desiring  to  examine  this  question  should  secure 

K.  K.  Kawakami’s  “The  Real  Japanese  Question”;  the  Report  of 
the  California  State  Board  of  Control  on  “Orientals  in  California”; 
“Should  Congress  Enact  Special  Laws  Affecting  Japanese?”  and 
“The  American  Japanese  Problem,”  the  two  latter  works  by  Sidney 

L.  Gulick. 


WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


131 


first  small  and  Highly  welcomed.  But  when  it  came  in 
increasing  volume  and  economic  competition  developed, 
anti- Japanese  agitation  started  up.  In  discussing  this 
question  one  should  not  forget  that  wrongdoing  took  place 
on  both  sides.  In  1907,  however,  an  arrangement  was 
reached  by  the  Governments  of  Japan  and  the  United 
States  to  stop  further  labor  immigration,  without  resorting 
to  Congressional  legislation.  Japan  agreed  to  stop  giving 
passports  to  new  Japanese  labor  immigrants  going  to  the 
United  States.  This  is  known  as  the  “Gentlemen’s  Agree¬ 
ment.”  How  it  has  worked  is  shown  by  the  following 
tables,  so  far  as  mere  figures  can  show  it: 


Japanese  Immigration  to  the  United  States 
(including  Hawaii) 


Before  the  Gentlemen  s 
Agreement 


1894  . 

.  1,931 

1895  . 

.  1,150 

1896  . 

.  1,110 

1897  . 

.  1,526 

1898  . 

.  2,230 

1899  . 

.  2,844 

1900  . 

.  12,635 

1901  . 

.  5,269 

1902  . 

.  14,270 

1903  . 

.  19,968 

1904  . 

.  14,264 

1905  . 

.  10,331 

1906  . 

. 13,835 

1907  . 

.  30,226 

After  the  Gentlemen's 
Agreement 


1908  . 

.  15,803 

1909  . 

.  3,111 

1910  . 

.  2,720 

1911  . 

.  4,520 

1912  . 

.  6,114 

1913  . 

.  8,281 

1914  . 

.  8,929 

1915  . 

.  8,613 

1916  . 

.  8,680 

1917  . 

.  8,991 

1918  . 

.  10,213 

1919  . 

.  10,064 

1920  . 

.  9,279 

1921  . 

.  7,531 

The  evidence  is  conclusive  that  the  Japanese  Govern¬ 
ment  has  been  carrying  out  honorably  the  terms  of  the 
“Gentlemen’s  Agreement.”  While  it  is  true  that  during 
the  thirteen  years  since  jfche  lagreement  got  into  full 
operation  103,281  Japanese  entered  Continental  United 
States,  of  these,  43,229  were  Japanese  who  had  already 


132  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


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WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


133 


been  in  America  before  and  therefore  were  entitled  to 
return.  Moreover,  92,070  departed  during  those  same 
years,  so  that  the  net  increase  was  only  11,211.  If  the 
arrivals  and  departures  are  classified  by  sex,  it  is  found 
that  during  this  period  18,852  more  males  left  the  United 
States  (including  Hawaii)  than  entered.  This  means  that 
Japanese  male  laborers  in  Continental  United  States 
diminished  by  about  10,000. 

In  spite  of  these  facts,  however,  the  politicians  and 
sensational  press  have  circulated  an  extraordinary  amount 
of  falsehood  and  have  created  an  active  race  prejudice 
which  has  led  to  considerable  anti- Japanese  legislation  in 
California  and  other  States.  Not  satisfied  with  State 
legislation,  agitators  have  been  urging  Congress  to  adopt 
a  drastic  program  that  cannot  fail  to  embitter  the  relations 
between  America  and  Japan.  Two  proposals  may  be  men¬ 
tioned  : 

1.  Cancellation  of  the  Gentlemen’s  Agreement  is  urged 
on  the  ground  of  its  “gross  violation”  by  Japan.  The 
facts,  however,  as  already  noted,  prove  that  on  the  contrary 
the  J apanese  Government  has  been  faithfully  observing  it. 
To  abrogate  it  under  such  circumstances  would  be  an 
intolerable  affront  and  humiliation. 

2.  An  amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution  is 
sought,  denying  American  citizenship  to  American-born 
children  if  either  parent  is  “ineligible  to  become  a  citizen 
of  the  United  States.”  The  Fourteenth  Amendment  to 
the  Constitution  provides  that  “all  persons  born  or  nat¬ 
uralized  in  the  United  States  and  subject  to  the  jurisdiction 
thereof  are  citizens  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  State 
wherein  they  reside.”  Bills  have  been  introduced  in  both 
Houses  embodying  the  proposal  to  repeal  this  provision. 
Such  a  bill,  if  passed,  would  create  a  permanent  Asiatic 
population  among  us  who,  because  they  could  not  become 
American  citizens,  would  necessarily  be  obedient  to  their 
Asiatic  Governments.  They  would  inevitably  resent  such 
humiliating  and  discriminatory  treatment.  They  would, 


134  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


moreover,  no  doubt,  become  tbe  objects  of  repeated  political 
agitation  and  unjust  legislation.  Japan  as  a  nation  would 
be  indignant,  and  would  still  further  feel  that  America 
repudiates  tbe  Christianity  which  it  professes. 

Both  proposals  are  unwise  in  principle,  un-American 
in  spirit  and  dangerous  in  practice. 

Decent  decisions  of  test  cases  by  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  State  of  California  show  that  drastic  anti- Japanese 
legislation  runs  counter  to  the  provision  of  the  Constitu¬ 
tion.  The  law  (enacted  in  May,  1921)  requiring  all  aliens 
to  pay  a  poll-tax  of  $10  was  declared  unconstitutional,  as 
was  also  the  provision  of  the  “Alien  Land  Law”  (of  1920) 
by  which  “aliens  ineligible  to  citizenship”  (Japanese  and 
Chinese)  were  denied  the  right  to  serve  as  guardians  of 
the  agricultural  land  owned  by  their  American-born  chil¬ 
dren.  The  law  forbidding  to  Japanese  and  Chinese  the 
right  to  lease  agricultural  land  was  declared  (November, 
1921)  not  to  forbid  “crop-contract  leases.” 

The  discriminatory  laws  enacted  against  Japanese  and 
Chinese  by  the  Pacific  Coast  States  ought  to  be  repealed. 
Yet  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  they  can  be,  unless  a  compre¬ 
hensive  immigration  law  is  enacted  which,  while  dealing 
equally  with  every  people  on  general  principles,  would  at 
the  same  time  afford  real  safety  to  the  Pacific  Coast  from 
the  dangers  of  immigration  from  Asia. 

Some  method  for  handling  this  complex  problem  should 
be  found  that  will,  on  the  one  hand,  really  protect  the 
Western  States  from  those  dangers  and  yet,  at  the  same 
time,  be  fair  and  friendly  to  Asiatics  who  reside  among 
us,  dealing  with  them  on  the  basis  of  the  Golden  Rule. 

In  view  of  the  foregoing  considerations  the  Executive 
Committee  of  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of 
Christ  in  America  has  repeatedly  voted  to  “urge  upon 
Congress  and  upon  the  people  of  the  United  States  the  im¬ 
portance  of  adopting  an  immigration  policy  based  upon 
a  just  and  equitable  regard  for  the  interests  of  all  the 
nations  concerned,  and  to  this  end  suggest  that  the  entire 


WORKING  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


135 


immigration  problem  be  taken  up  at  an  early  date,  pro¬ 
viding  for  comprehensive  legislation  covering  all  phases 
of  the  question  (such  as  the  limitation  of  immigration, 
and  the  registration,  distribution,  employment,  education 
and  naturalization  of  immigrants)  in  such  a  way  as  to 
conserve  American  institutions,  to  protect  American  labor 
from  dangerous  economic  competition,  and  to  promote  an 
intelligent  and  enduring  friendliness  among  the  people 
of  all  nations.” 

In  briefest  terms  what  is  now  needed  is  legislation  that 
will: 

1.  Give  adequate  Federal  protection  to  aliens  resident 
in  the  United  States. 

2.  Assure  to  every  alien  the  “equal  protection  of  the 
law”  which  implies  the  protection  of  equal  laws. 

3.  Restrict  all  immigration  to  such  numbers  from  each 
people  as  we  can  really  Americanize  and  wholesomely 
incorporate  into  our  body  politic. 

4.  Raise  the  standards  of  naturalization  and  give  cit¬ 
izenship — to  every  person  who  duly  qualifies  for  it, 
regardless  of  his  race.1 

The  problem  confronting  those  who  seek  a  Warless 
World  is,  thus,  not  limited  to  the  establishment  of  right 
relations  between  the  nations  of  Christendom.  Right 
relations  must  also  be  established  with  the  nations  of  Asia, 
which  contain  one-half  the  world’s  population.  The  core 
of  the  problem  is  to  devise  some  method  whereby  Asia 
and  Asiatics  may  receive  such  just  and  honorable  treat¬ 
ment  by  the  white  nations  of  the  West  that  they  will  feel 
no  need  of  adopting  Occidental  militarism  in  order  to 
compel  justice ,  respect  and  fair  treatment.  There  is  only 
one  possible  and  real  solution  for  this  problem.  It  is  the 
consistent  and  persistent  application  of  the  Golden  Rule 

*A  more  complete  statement  of  the  legislation  needed  for  the 
regulation  of  all  immigration  has  already  been  given  (cf.  Chapter 
VIII). 


136  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


in  international  'politics.  The  establishment  and  main¬ 
tenance  of  Christian  international  relations  with  the  Far 
East,  and  the  successful  prosecution  of  missionary  work 
in  such  countries  as  China,  and  especially  now  Japan, 
are  intimately  dependent  on  maintaining  fair  and  friendly 
treatment  of  their  citizens  in  our  country.  We  must  deal 
with  Asiatics  on  a  basis  of  justice  and  good-will,  doing 
to  them  as  we  would  have  them  do  to  us. 


CHAPTER  X 


The  Christian  Crusade  for  a  Warless  World 

The  Old  Vision 
The  New  Vision 
The  New  Task 
The  New  Spirit 


“Christian  men  in  all  lands  should  co-operate  in  establishing 
a  Christian  world-order,  in  which  the  principles  of  universal 
justice  and  good-will  shall  be  embodied  in  the  laws,  institutions, 
and  customs  that  control  their  governments  in  international 
relations.” 


Federal  Council  of  Churches. 


THE  CHRISTIAH  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS 

WORLD 


“How  can  these  things  be?”  is  the  age-old  question  of 
Hicodemus  and  of  all  doubters  and  sceptics  when  they 
catch  glimpses  of  wonderful  visions.  “Ye  must  be  bom 
anew,”  is  the  answer  of  Jesus  and  of  every  seer.  “Hot 
by  might,  nor  by  power  saith  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  but  by 
my  Spirit”  shall  these  things  be. 

How  is  coming  to  fresh  fulfillment  that  ancient  word 
of  the  prophet  Joel: 

And  it  shall  be  in  the  last  days,  saith  God, 

I  will  pour  forth  my  spirit  upon  all  flesh. 

And  your  sons  and  your  daughters  shall  prophesy 
And  your  young  men  shall  see  visions 
And  your  old  men  shall  dream  dreams. 

Millions  of  Christians,  young  and  old,  men  and  women, 
filled  with  divine  discontent,  are  seeing  visions,  stirred  by 
the  Spirit  of  the  Living  God.  They  hate  the  old  vision 
of  pomp  and  power  held  up  before  the  eyes  of  men  in 
every  age  by  the  great  deceiver.  The  scales  have  fallen 
from  millions  of  eyes.  The  new  spirit  is  stirring  in  mil¬ 
lions  of  hearts.  The  two  Visions  stand  out  clearly  before 
them  in  their  appalling  contrast. 


139 


140  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


The  Old  Vision. 

Again  the  devil  taketh  him  unto  an  exceeding  high 
mountain  and  showeth  him  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  world 
and  the  glory  of  them;  and  he  said  unto  him,  “All  these 
things  will  I  give  thee,  if  thou  wilt  fall  down  and  worship 
me.” 

Vision  of  World  Empire 
Result — Hell  on  Eaeth 
Selfishness  Ambition  Aggression 
Pride  Arrogance  Disdain  Scorn  Self-Conceit 
Animosity  Enmity  Hatred  Rage  Lust 

Unfriendliness 

Insincerity  Deceit  Trickery  Treachery  Suspicions 

Spies  Lies 

Brutalities  Murders  Wars  Destructions 
Pillage  Carnage  Rape 
Atrocities  Agonies 

Cripples  Widows  Orphans  Refugees 
Poverty  Eamine  Disease 

Victories  Oppressions  Injustice  Luxury  Degeneracy 
Defeats  Humiliation  Despair  Shame 

Suicides 

Resentments  Revenge 
Plottings  Rebellions 
Recurring  ad  Infinitum 


CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD  141 


The  New  Vision 

Behold  a  King  shall  reign  in  righteousness;  and  the 
spirit  of  the  Lord  shall  rest  upon  him,  the  spirit  of  wis¬ 
dom  and  understanding,  of  counsel  and  might,  of  knowl¬ 
edge  and  of  the  fear  of  the  Lord. 

Vision  of  The  Kingdom  of  God 
Result — A  Warless  Would — Heaven  on  Earth 
J  ustice  Righteousness 
Good-will  Sympathy  Helpfulness 
Brotherliness  Unselfishness 
Sincerity  Frankness  Trustworthiness 
Trust  Confidence 
Teachableness  Dependableness 
Appreciation  Approval  Friendship  Love 
Honesty  Truthfulness  Integrity 
Civilization  Communication 
Travel  Trade  Commerce 
Prosperity  Abundance  Comfort  Wealth  Health 
Co-operation  Organization  Credit 
Science  Understanding  Mastery 
Education  Literature 
Sculpture  Painting  Music 
Philosophy  Religion  Insight 
Uplift  Happiness  Peace  Harmony  Joy  Hope 

Progress  ad  Infinitum 


142  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


The  complete  opposition  of  civilization  and  Christianity 
to  militarism  is  clear.  These  upward  movements  of  the 
spirit  begin  to  see  that  militarism  like  a  viper  is  poisoning 
their  life-blood.  They  therefore  demand  the  abolition  of 
war  and  the  establishment  of  a  new  world  order,  where 
truth  and  justice  and  security  may  dwell,  with  peace  and 
honor. 

But  in  our  condemnation  of  militarism  as  a  system,  we 
must  not  minimize  the  heroism  of  millions  of  men  who 
have  engaged  in  war.  In  many  a  land  liberty  has  been 
won  and  maintained  only  by  war.  Justice  and  honor  have 
often  been  preserved  only  by  war.  Heroic  men  through¬ 
out  the  ages  have  sacrificed  their  comfort  and  too  often 
their  lives  in  defence  of  home  and  native  land.  It  is  right 
and  fitting  that  they  should  be  remembered  by  their  coun¬ 
trymen.  Honor  and  reverence  for  our  men,  however, 
should  not  blind  our  eyes  to  the  inherent  evil  of  the  pagan 
method  of  settling  international  disputes.  The  time  has 
come  for  us  to  be  done  forever  with  such  an  un-Christian 
institution. 


In  this  war  upon  war,  many  kinds  of  leaders  will  have 
their  contribution  to  make.  No  single  group  can  achieve 
success  alone. 

Scientists ,  chemists  and  physicists  will  make  known  the 
growing  destructions  of  a  warring  world.  Biologists  will 
show  how  war  kills  off  the  choicest  of  our  young  man¬ 
hood,  leaving  defectives,  criminals,  morons,  dwarfs,  in 
preponderant  numbers,  to  propagate  the  race.  Sociolo¬ 
gists  and  economists  will  teach  us  how  war  entails  poverty, 
brings  famine  and  pestilence,  disorganizes  the  processes 
of  production,  trade  and  exchange,  breaks  down  the  social 
order,  multiplies  the  evil  of  capitalism,  creates  discontent 
among  the  masses,  and  generates  political  upheavals.  But 
men  cannot  be  frightened  by  such  facts  to  abandon  prepa¬ 
rations  for  war,  so  long  as  these  preparations  are  felt 


CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD  143 


to  be  essential  to  national  security,  honor,  and  a  chance  to 
live  at  all. 

Jurists ,  Statesmen  and  Legislators  can  show  us  how 
the  world  must  be  organized  for  justice  and  order.  They 
can  tell  us  about  international  law,  about  courts  of  justice, 
about  boards  of  arbitration  and  conciliation.  “This  is 
the  way  to  a  Warless  World,  walk  ye  in  it,”  they  can  say 
to  the  nations.  And  their  word  will  be  a  great  help. 

Educators  in  universities,  colleges  and  common  schools 
will  train  the  youth,  give  true  understanding  of  history, 
show  what  war  has  done  and  will  always  do,  what  war 
has  not  done  and  can  never  do.  They  will  show  what 
the  great  intellectual,  moral  and  spiritual  leaders  of  man¬ 
kind  have  accomplished  in  discovering  truth,  mastering 
nature,  creating  beauty,  practicing  goodness,  and  entering 
into  fellowship  with  God.  It  is  theirs  to  disclose  to  the 
rising  generation  the  part  for  them  to  take  in  the  re- 
creation  of  society,  in  which  justice  may  prevail  and  by 
which  each  nation  may  take  its  rightful  place  in  the 
society  of  nations. 

But  important  though  these  various  contributions  are, 
they  are  not  enough.  One  thing  more  is  needful.  It  is 
the  spirit  of  international  and  inter-racial  good-will,  of 
justice  to  all,  of  reconciliation  between  races  and  nations. 
Millions  of  men  in  many  lands  must  gain  “the  will  to 
brotherliness.”  We  of  the  white  races  especially  must 
learn  to  look  at  our  history  as  the  black  man  looks  at  it, 
as  the  Asiatic  looks  at  it,  as  God  looks  at  it.  We  must 
have  a  sense  of  guilt  for  national  sin,  and  a  spirit  of 
repentance,  deep  and  genuine.  We  need  as  nations  the 
regenerating  work  of  the  Spirit  of  the  Living  God  in 
the  innermost  parts  of  our  national  hearts  and  wills.  The 
creation  of  this  spirit  is  the  peculiar  work  of  the  Church, 
and  the  special  contribution  which  it  has  to  make  in 
the  war  upon  war.  The  reconciling  and  redemptive 
program  of  the  Church  must,  from  now  on,  deal  with 


144  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


nations  and  races  no  less  than  with  individuals.  Friend¬ 
ship  and  good-will  between  nations  and  races  must  replace 
estrangement  and  enmity.  This  is  the  Kingdom  of  God, 
to  he  established  “on  earth  as  it  is  in  Heaven.”  It  is  to 
include  men  of  every  class  and  nation,  of  every  race  and 
tribe.  All  are  to  be  reconciled.  This  is  the  supreme  task 
of  the  Church. 

To  accomplish  it,  however,  the  Church  itself  needs  to 
gain  a  vital  grasp  on  the  real  meaning  of  the  Atonement, 
the  suffering  love  of  God  revealed  in  Christ  for  the 
reconciliation  of  sinful  man.  That  work  is  still  in  process. 
The  Triune  God  is  still  suffering  because  of  the  contin¬ 
uing  estrangement  and  sin  of  his  children.  And  in  this 
reconciling  work  all  who  have  been  redeemed,  who  have 
entered  into  His  life  and  become  partakers  of  His  char¬ 
acter  are,  as  Paul  states  it,  “co-workers  together  with 
Him.”  They  too,  through  their  sacrificial  service  for 
the  salvation  of  fellow-men  are  partakers  in  the  atoning 
work.  Thus  do  His  disciples  share  with  Him  in  His  suf¬ 
fering  for  the  sin  of  the  world,  and  rejoice  wTith  Him  in 
its  reconciliation  and  redemption. 

There  is  no  power  in  human  history  that  can  do  this 
work  save  religion.  It  must  create  new  men  out  of  old. 
Vital  religion,  the  religion  of  Jesus,  comes  to  man  not 
merely  with  a  message  of  comfort;  not  merely  with  neg¬ 
ative  commands,  “Thou  shalt  not” ;  not  even  merely  with 
positive  demands,  “Thou  shalt.”  Vital  religion  is  the 
greatest  of  all  creative  forces.  Religion  gives  a  new  spirit ; 
old  things  pass  away;  scales  fall  from  long-blinded  eyes. 
What  men  once  loved,  they  love  no  more.  What  once 
they  ignored  or  despised  they  now  cherish.  In  place  of 
the  spirit  of  selfishness,  suspicion,  greed,  hate  and  fear, 
comes  the  spirit  of  brotherliness,  justice,  goodness,  service. 
By  vital,  spiritual  religion  men  are  raised  above  their 
tiny,  temporal,  passing  selves.  They  feel  their  oneness 
with  the  eternal,  the  infinite,  the  absolute.  They  sing 
new  songs  of  joy ;  they  write  great  poems  and  dream  great 


CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD  145 


dreams;  they  speak,  they  plan,  they  build,  they  live,  not 
for  self,  not  for  time,  but  for  fellow-men,  for  mankind, 
for  eternity,  for  God. 

Only  a  vital  and  a  vitalizing  religion  can  bring  a  War¬ 
less  World.  No  merely  intellectuual  message,  however 
cogent,  no  appeal  to  the  “enlightened  self-interest  of  man¬ 
kind”  can  do  it.  Men’s  hearts  must  he  changed.  Their 
minds  must  he  enlightened.  There  must  come  into  the 
life  of  millions  of  men  the  spirit  of  good-will,  of  fair 
play,  of  justice.  Deeds  of  good-will  and  of  service  can 
alone  disarm  suspicion  and  banish  fear.  Spiritual  dis¬ 
armament  must  precede  physical  disarmament.  Not  until 
nations  stop  hating  and  fearing  and  suspecting  each  other, 
not  until  they  develop  confidence  in  each  other’s  good 
intentions  can  we  expect  any  very  sweeping  reduction  of 
armaments. 

Mankind  has  come  to  another  fork  in  the  road  of  its 
fateful  history.  To  the  left,  controlled  by  the  ancient 
vision  of  imperialistic  power  and  pomp,  by  the  spirit  of 
pride,  arrogance,  selfishness,  greed  and  ambition,  lie  con¬ 
flicts,  armaments,  wars,  destruction. 

To  the  right,  controlled  by  the  new  vision  of  the  King¬ 
dom  of  God,  the  spirit  of  good-will,  of  justice,  of  truth¬ 
fulness,  of  co-operation,  lie  world-courts  and  world-laws, 
disarmament,  social  welfare,  a  Warless  World.  This  is 
the  way  of  life  for  men  and  for  nations,  and  the  only 
way.  The  spirit  must  dominate  our  nation  if  we  are  to 
take  our  proper  and  helpful  place  in  the  universal  society 
of  nations.  To  create  this  spirit  is  the  distinctive  con¬ 
tribution  of  Religion  to  the  war  upon  war.  Thus  will  it 
become  the  New  Crusade. 

Workers  for  a  Warless  World  must  not,  of  course,  ignore 
the  great  international  achievements  already  made  in  man’s 
long  march  to  the  promised  land.  Many  movements  and 
agencies  already  exist.  They  give  assurance  that  much 


146  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


more  can  be  secured  in  the  decades  ahead.  We  indicate 
here  only  a  few  of  the  many  scores  of  societies,  institu¬ 
tions,  commissions  and  committees  that  already  begin  to 
bridge  the  nations  and  even  the  races,  partial  embodiments 
of  the  Christian  ideal: 

The  International  Red  Cross 

The  International  Young  Men’s  and  Young  Women’s 
Societies 

The  International  Society  for  Christian  Endeavor 
The  International  Christian  Student  Federation 
The  Inter-Parliamentary  Union 
The  International  Postal  Union 
International  Labor  Organizations  (hundreds) 
International  Socialist  Groups 
International  Women’s  Groups 
International  Scientific  Groups 
International  Educational  Groups 
The  World  Alliance  for  International  Friendship 
through  the  Churches 

International  Church  organizations,  such  as  the  Pan- 
Presbyterian  Union,  the  Ecumenical  Methodist  Con¬ 
ference  and  the  Lambeth  Convention 

Every  year  since  the  middle  of  the  last  century,  increas¬ 
ing  numbers  of  great  international  gatherings  have  been 
held  in  the  principal  cities  of  Europe — particularly  in 
Holland  and  Switzerland.  Geneva  and  The  Hague  have 
been  famous  for  the  number  of  international  organizations 
that  make  those  cities  their  headquarters  and  for  the  num¬ 
ber  of  important  international  conventions,  conferences, 
congresses,  commissions  and  committees  that  meet  in  them. 

International  industrial,  artistic  and  educational  expo¬ 
sitions  have  likewise  been  held  in  many  lands.  These  have 
rendered  incalculable  service  in  promoting  mutual  under¬ 
standing  and  appreciation,  in  creating  the  international 
mind. 


CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD  147 


The  Spirit  of  the  Living  God  bloweth  where  He  will. 
He  uses  any  man,  any  organization  that  yields  to  His 
influence  and  moves  to  do  His  purpose.  It  is  not  the 
ecclesiastical  pedigree  of  any  Church,  not  its  theological 
orthodoxy,  not  the  regularity  of  its  orders  that  determine 
its  acceptableness  to  Him  and  its  fitness  to  be  His  agent. 
All  depends  on  its  spirit  and  actual  deeds.  By  their  fruits 
ye  shall  know  them,  applies  to  Churches  no  less  than  to 
individuals. 

The  Great  War  is  over.  Millions  of  young  men  lie  in 
their  graves  because  of  wrong  international  feelings, 
motives,  activities.  Other  millions  of  civilians  have  per¬ 
ished  through  famine  and  pestilence.  The  tortured  nations 
still  writhe  and  toss.  They  stagger  like  drunken  men, 
drunk  with  the  blood  of  the  victims  and  the  victors.  They 
are  calling  for  salvation.  Who  will  succor  them?  What 
adequate  agency  exists  among  the  nations  to  grapple  with 
the  evil  spirits  that  time  and  time  again  set  loose  the 
heartless  monster  of  war?  What  power  can  bind  that 
demon  and  cast  it  out  forever  from  this  long-suffering 
world  ? 

This  is  the  New  Task  that  is  laid  on  the  Churches  of 
the  world.  One  by  one  through  the  centuries  the  Church, 
in  spite  of  its  defects  and  human  frailties,  has  slowly  been 
learning  its  lessons.  It  has  been  led  step  by  step  to  take  on 
new  tasks.  The  saving  of  the  individual  soul,  reconciling 
him  to  God  and  bringing  peace  of  mind  through  forgive¬ 
ness  and  regeneration,  with  joy  and  hope  in  the  Holy 
Spirit:  this  has  been  the  abiding  task  of  the  Church 
through  all  the  ages. 

But  new  visions  have  come  and  new  tasks  have  been 
accepted.  In  ancient  times  the  spirit  of  Jesus,  working 
through  the  Church,  abolished  the  slaughter  of  gladiators 
for  the  amusement  of  the  masses.  The  spirit  of  Jesus, 
transmitted  from  age  to  age  by  the  Church,  established 
the  Christian  home,  emancipated  women,  discovered  the 


148  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


child,  attacked  the  wrongs  and  cruelties  of  prisons,  and 
has  sought  to  alleviate  suffering  and  famine  and  pestilence 
in  every  age.  The  Church  has  sought,  age  after  age,  in 
its  missionary  enterprise,  to  carry  the  Gospel  to  every  land. 
The  Church  is  grappling  today  with  the  monsters  of  alco¬ 
holic  drink,  commercialized  vice,  and  the  traffic  in  destroy¬ 
ing  drugs.  Many  have  been  the  tasks  of  the  Church.  But 
a  new  task  is  now  laid  on  the  Church;  a  new  challenge 
has  been  sounded  forth  to  its  leaders.  War  must  be 
abolished. 

The  New  Task  is  one  in  which  all  Christians  can  heartily 
unite.  However  they  may  differ  in  their  views  of  theology 
and  Christology,  of  nature,  of  history,  of  the  Church; 
whether  they  are  Presbyterian  or  Methodist  or  Episco¬ 
palian  ;  Protestant  or  Roman  Catholic ;  whether  even  they 
are  “pacifists,”  “non-resistants”  and  “conscientious  ob¬ 
jectors,”  or  ardent  and  militant  Christians,  the  concrete 
program  for  a  Warless  World  should  appeal  equally  to 
them  all.  For  all  can  agree  that  war  is  contrary  to  the 
spirit  of  Jesus  and  that  practical  measures  must  be  taken 
to  abolish  it.  A  Christian  world-order  cannot  be  founded 
on  hatred  between  races  and  nations,  nor  maintained  by 
the  bare  brute  force  of  bayonets  and  battleships.  The 
only  enduring  basis  for  world  peace  is  a  world-order  that 
is  essentially  Christian.  It  must  be  brotherly  and  help¬ 
ful  ;  it  must  embody  the  “will  to  justice” ;  it  must 
possess  the  international  institutions  by  which  alone  that 
will  can  be  realized,  so  that  justice  and  security  may  be 
assured  for  all  alike.  This  is  a  concrete  program,  an 
inspiring  task,  and  a  mighty  challenge  on  which  all 
Christians  of  every  people,  of  every  race  and  of  every 
shade  of  thought  can  whole-heartedly  unite. 

New  tasks  demand  new  leaders  inspired  with  the  new 
visions.  Men  in  every  church  should  be  set  aside  to  study 
these  new  questions,  to  preach,  instruct,  inspire  and  guide 
the  millions  of  members  in  their  new  duties.  The 


CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD  149 


Churches  need  special  agents  to  carry  on  the  campaign 
for  a  Warless  World,  just  as  they  need  special  agents  to 
carry  on  their  respective  programs  for  home  missions,  for 
church  erection,  for  Christian  education,  for  young 
people’s  movements,  for  foreign  missions. 

This  new  task  is  immensely  difficult,  so  difficult  that 
not  a  few  pronounce  it  impossible.  Vast  industrial  inter¬ 
ests  in  every  land  flourish  through  preparations  for  war. 
There  are  makers  of  munitions,  builders  of  warships, 
merchants  and  contractors  who  sell  to  governments  that 
pay  each  month  scores  of  millions  for  steel  and  chemicals, 
food  and  clothing.  There  are  thousands  upon  thousands 
of  mechanics  and  carpenters  and  workmen  whose  entire 
living  depends  on  war  industries.  There  are  scores  of 
thousands  of  officers  in  every  land,  Generals,  Admirals, 
Colonels,  Majors,  and  all  the  way  down  the  line,  whose 
entire  training  and  thinking  has  been  turned  exclusively 
to  war  and  preparations  for  war.  Their  honorable  status 
in  society  depends  on  the  maintenance  of  the  war  system, 
and  they  count  themselves  the  chief  custodians  of  loyalty 
and  patriotism.  With  notable  exceptions,  especially  in 
America  and  Great  Britain,  to  such  persons  the  mere  idea 
of  a  War  less  World  is  a  foolish,  unpatriotic  and  even 
dangerous  delusion.  They  can  visualize  international 
relations  only  in  terms  of  a  warring  world.  Unscrupulous 
ones  among  them,  moreover,  sometimes  seek  to  foment  war 
by  falsehood  and  wrong  deeds.  Actual  war  is  their  chance 
of  rapid  promotion  and  profit.  And  there  are  spies  in 
every  country,  and  an  unscrupulous,  sensational  press. 
There  are,  finally,  the  age-old,  deep-seated  animosities 
of  nations  with  their  ancient  race-prejudices,  misconcep¬ 
tions,  misunderstandings  and  injustices.  Will  the  white 
peoples  ever  voluntarily  deal  justly  with  the  black  and 
yellow  races  ?  And  is  it  thinkable  that  the  latter  will  per¬ 
manently  and  tamely  submit  to  unending  white  race 
injustice  and  arrogance  ? 


150  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


Is  it  possible,  then,  to  believe  in  the  practicability  of 
a  Warless  World?  No,  frankly  speaking,  in  the  writer’s 
opinion,  it  is  not  possible  unless  one  really  believes  in  God, 
in  Christ,  in  the  Holy  Spirit,  in  Man,  in  the  reality  of 
regeneration,  and  in  the  progressive  education  and  eleva¬ 
tion  of  the  human  race. 

A  Warless  World  will  not  be  achieved  in  a  year,  or  a 
decade;  perhaps  not  in  a  century.  But  surely  in  the 
fullness  of  time  it  will  come  when  the  Christian  Churches 
of  many  lands  have  done  their  part. 

We  have  in  America  45,000,000  Protestant  and  Roman 
Catholic  Christians  connected  with  the  Churches.  The 
vast  majority  of  these  men  and  women  really  desire  world- 
peace.  Can  we  not  somehow  connect  these  millions  of 
individual  batteries  with  some  central  motor,  and  bring 
their  united  power  into  our  political  system  to  drive  its 
wheels  by  Christian,  instead  of  by  pagan,  ideals  and 
motives  ?  This  is  our  immediate  concrete  task. 

The  next  great  forward  step  for  Christians  in  every 
land  is  the  Crusade  for  a  Warless  World,  a  Crusade  fired 
with  holy  and  invincible  enthusiasm,  receiving  joyous  sup¬ 
port  from  millions.  The  opportunity  of  the  ages  is  before 
us.  The  suffering,  war-sick  world  awaits  our  response  to 
the  call  of  the  Prince  of  Peace. 


APPENDICES 

I.  What  to  Do 

II.  The  Rights  and  Duties  of  Nations 

III.  Striking  Quotations 
IY.  Suggestive  Questions  for  Leaders  of  Dis¬ 
cussion  Groups 

V.  Societies  and  Organizations  in  the  United 
States  Promoting  International  Under¬ 
standing  and  Good-Will 
YI.  Bibliography 


APPENDIX  I 


What  to  Do 

To  establish  a  Warless  World  many  practical  steps  must  be 
taken.  Individuals,  churches,  church  councils  and  federations, 
and  national  denominational  organizations — all  have  responsi¬ 
bilities  and  duties. 


APPENDIX  I 


What  to  Do 

A.  What  Individuals  Can  Do 

Accept  Personal  Responsibility.  This  is  the  starting  point 
for  any  great  movement.  Individuals  who  recognize  and  accept 
personal  responsibility  form  the  dynamic  centers  for  the  local 
church  and  the  community  in  which  they  live.  The  conviction 
and  activity  of  a  few  individuals  help  the  entire  church  and 
community  to  believe  in  the  practicability  of  a  Warless  World. 
“Let  George  do  it”  is  a  natural  feeling.  It  is,  however,  a  seri¬ 
ous  failure.  No  moral  achievement  has  ever  been  made  by 
that  spirit.  Individuals  become  influential  in  their  commu¬ 
nities  by  accepting  and  standing  for  definite  forward-looking 
ideas  and  programs.  They  become  outstanding  persons  and 
strong  personalities  in  proportion  as  they  adopt  big  visions, 
make  them  their  own  and  become  living  incarnations  of  those 
visions. 

Help  Circulate  Literature.  Many  important  books  and  pam¬ 
phlets  dealing  with  the  ideals  and  programs  of  a  Warless 
World  have  been  and  are  constantly  being  produced.  Write 
for  their  recent  literature  to  the  various  organizations  listed 
in  this  Appendix.  Help  get  this  literature  circulated.  Fiction 
secures  circulation  quite  largely  through  readers  who  enthu¬ 
siastically  tell  their  friends  of  what  they  have  .read.  Head 
good  books  on  a  Warless  World  and  then  talk  about  them.  See 
that  your  town  or  city  library  gets  the  best  recent  books.  Have 
a  shelf  in  the  public  reading  rooms  set  aside  for  these  books,  in 
a  place  easily  accessible  to  readers.  Get  leaflets  and  pamphlets 
and  distribute  them.  Place  them  in  railway  stations  where 
people  can  take  them.  There  are  numberless  ways  by  which 
literature  can  be  circulated. 

Learn  to  Talk  on  a  Warless  World.  Conversation  is  the 
most  important  method  of  promoting  ideas.  To  be  interesting 
and  effective  one  must  have  facts  and  figures  and  illustrations 
well  in  hand.  Master  the  statistics  about  the  great  war.  Be 

153 


154  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


ready  to  present  the  causes  of  war,  the  costs  of  war  and  the 
cure  for  war.  People  will  be  interested  in  these  matters  if 
the  speaker  has  them  well  in  hand.  One  does  not  need  to  be  a 
great  orator  or  lecturer  to  talk  effectively  to  individuals  and 
small  groups.  Good  talking  is  a  habit  to  be  learned. 

Write  Letters  to  Congressmen.  To  establish  a  Warless 
World  there  must  be  a  vast  deal  of  legislation.  Congressmen 
vote  the  appropriations,  they  decide  whether  these  shall  be  large 
or  small.  Congressmen  decide  America’s  international  policies. 
They  need  to  know  what  the  people  think  about  the  various  po¬ 
litical  questions.  It  is  right  and  proper  that  their  constitu¬ 
encies  should  inform  them  as  to  their  desires.  When  they  are 
candidates  for  election  it  is  desirable  that  pointed  and  definite 
questions  be  put  to  them  in  regard  to  their  policies  on  Army 
and  Navy  and  other  questions  dealing  with  the  program  for 
a  Warless  World. 

Value  of  Resolutions  and  Petitions.  Resolutions  passed  in 
mass  meetings  or  petitions  signed  by  hundreds  or  even  thou¬ 
sands  of  names  do  not  have  very  great  weight  with  Congress¬ 
men  because  they  know  how  easy  it  is  for  some  enthusiast  to 
secure  them  and  how  little  real  knowledge  and  interest  most 
of  the  signers  have  in  the  subject-matter  of  the  resolutions. 
Personal  letters  which  show  knowledge  and  conviction  have 
far  more  influence  in  molding  the  opinions  of  legislators. 

Interviews.  More  significant,  however,  than  letters,  reso¬ 
lutions  or  petitions  are  personal  interviews.  Call  upon  your 
representatives  when  they  are  at  their  homes  and  talk  with 
them  personally  about  international  questions,  especially  about 
a  Warless  World  and  America’s  duty  and  opportunity.  Let 
them  know  that  your  knowledge  of  their  opinions  on  these 
matters  will  influence  your  ballot  on  election  day.  If  you 
ever  visit  Washington,  call  on  your  representatives  and  make 
it  a  point  to  speak  on  America’s  international  relations  as 
bearing  upon  the  establishment  of  a  world  peace-system. 

Study  Groups.  Confer  with  your  pastor  or  rector  or  Sunday 
School  Superintendent  or  some  deacon  about  starting  a  study 
course  in  your  church  on  the  Warless  World  program.  Every 
Christian  in  every  church  ought  to  study  some  adequate  book 
on  this  subject.  For  every  Christian  has  a  part  to  take  and 
a  ballot  to  cast  in  elections  and  needs  to  be  educated  on  these 
matters  so  that  he  may  vote  right  and  elect  men  and  women 
who  are  in  earnest  with  the  program  for  a  Warless  World. 

Write  to  Editors.  An  important  way  to  use  your  influence 
is  to  write  letters  and  short  articles  to  your  local  newspaper 
about  international  issues.  This  will  require  much  knowledge 


APPENDIX  I 


155 


and  thought  and  skill.  It  will  help  you  to  do  this  effectively 
if  you  have  become  fairly  familiar  with  the  literature,  the 
facts  and  the  statistics  of  a  Warless  World.  Such  writing 
will  be  interesting  and  valuable  for  you;  it  will  help  you  to 
grow;  it  will  help  you  master  your  facts;  it  will  also  be  of 
benefit  to  the  public.  Editors  are  glad  to  know  what  their 
readers  are  interested  in. 


B.  What  the  Local  Church  Can  Do 

The  Pastor.  The  people  naturally  look  to  the  pastor  for 
guidance  and  inspiration.  Yet  he  can  accomplish  little  unless 
his  congregation  respond.  He  can  preach  upon  the  ideals  of 
a  Warless  World  yet  he  must  guard  carefully  against  preach¬ 
ing  upon  it  too  often.  One  of  the  most  eminent  pastors  in  the 
United  States,  a  valiant  foe  of  militarism,  preached  so  often 
upon  this  subject  that  his  people  became  tired  and  dissatisfied. 
The  pastor  must  also  take  care  to  avoid  the  issues  of  party 
politics  in  his  sermons  dealing  with  war  and  peace.  He  has  in 
his  congregation  Republicans  and  Democrats,  perhaps  So¬ 
cialists  and  Prohibitionists.  It  is  his  duty  indeed  to  declare 
the  Christian  ideals  of  brotherhood,  of  justice,  of  international 
good-will  and  co-operation,  but  just  how  in  specific  details 
these  principles  are  to  be  applied  in  national  and  international 
politics  it  is  not  for  him  as  a  pastor  to  declare  from  the  pulpit. 

The  pastor  may  also  in  the  conduct  of  the  prayer  meeting 
and  other  services  for  which  he  has  responsibility,  direct  the 
thought  of  his  people  to  the  subject  of  a  Warless  World — lead¬ 
ing  them  to  its  study  and  to  the  formation  of  intelligent  opin¬ 
ion.  In  many  ways  the  pastor  can  exert  most  helpful  influ¬ 
ence  in  guiding  his  people  to  understand  the  world  situation 
and  to  do  their  part  in  co-operation  with  fellow-Christians  in 
this  and  in  other  lands. 

Group  Leaders.  In  every  church  there  are  various  groups 
of  young  people  and  adults;  some  assemble  for  the  exclusive 
study  of  the  Bible;  some  are  especially  interested  in  Home 
Missions;  others  in  Foreign  Missions.  Young  Peoples  Societies 
seek  to  promote  the  spiritual  life.  These  groups  constitute 
natural  centers  in  each  church  for  the  cultivation  of  the  in¬ 
ternational  mind.  Without  in  the  least  interfering  with  their 
central  purpose,  but  rather  promoting  it,  the  study  at  some 
time  during  each  year  of  the  problems  of  international  life 
might  well  be  taken  up.  The  leaders  and  program-makers  of 


156  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


these  groups  are  the  natural  persons  to  propose  such  studies 
and  to  select  the  material.  Yet  any  member  of  such  groups 
who  is  interested  to  do  his  part  in  establishing  a  Warless 
World  may  well  confer  with  the  leader  and  help  cultivate  the 
interest  of  the  group  in  such  study. 

Sunday  School  Teachers.  Probably  no  persons  are  more  im¬ 
portant  in  establishing  a  Warless  World  than  the  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  Sunday  School  teachers  in  this  and  other  lands. 
For  they  have  in  their  hands,  Sunday  after  Sunday,  the  plastic 
minds  of  millions  of  children  of  the  coming  generation.  If 
the  children  are  clearly  and  intelligently  instructed  in  these 
matters  the  results  cannot  fail  to  come  in  due  time.  Care 
should  be  taken  not  to  glorify  war  itself  when  honor  is  paid 
to  the  noble  men  who  have  died  for  their  countries.  The  hor¬ 
ror  and  the  wrongs  and  the  futility  of  war  should  be  made  clear. 
The  positive  constructive  substitute  for  war  should  by  all 
means  be  stated  and  emphasized.  Sunday  School  teachers, 
therefore,  should  familiarize  themselves  with  the  fundamental 
principles  of  a  Warless  World,  with  the  pertinent  statistics 
and  illustrations,  weaving  the  facts  and  illustrations  into  the 
regular  program  of  their  Sunday  School  lessons. 

Sunday  School  Teachers.  Probably  no  persons  are  more  im- 
their  highly  important  task  most  Sunday  Schools  provide 
teachers’  classes.  Here  is  the  natural  place  in  which  Super¬ 
intendents  can  help  teachers  in  finding  interesting  illustrative 
material  and  in  stimulating  their  thought.  For  this  of  course 
the  Superintendent  needs  to  be  himself  familiar  with  the 
most  useful  literature.  In  case  he  finds  himself  not  fully 
equipped,  he  might  well  invite  some  competent  person — man 
or  woman — to  speak  occasionally  on  this  subject  to  his  teachers. 
He  might  arrange,  in  co-operation  with  the  pastor,  for  four 
or  five  lectures  each  year  for  the  benefit  of  the  entire  church 
membership  on  such  subjects  as  the  Causes,  the  Costs  and  the 
Cure  of  War. 

The  Superintendent  might  also  secure  three  or  four  times 
each  year  short,  six  or  eight-minute,  talks  during  the  opening 
or  closing  exercises,  by  some  person  gifted  in  speaking  to 
children  on  this  subject.  Charts  and  diagrams  might  well  be 
hung  up  before  the  entire  school  and  briefly  explained. 

Attention  should  also  be  given  to  the  books  in  the  Sunday 
School  library.  What  does  it  have  on  War?  And  on  Peace? 
The  best  books  on  these  subjects  should  be  secured.  The  at¬ 
tention  of  the  young  people  should  be  particularly  called  to 
these  books  as  well  worth  reading. 


APPENDIX  I 


157 


C.  What  Ministers  Associations  and  City  Federations  or 
Councils  of  Churches  Can  Do 

Community  Programs.  The  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches 
of  Christ  in  America  has  issued  a  volume  entitled  “Community 
Programs  for  Co-operating  Churches”  (Association  Press,  New 
York).  This  handy  volume  of  250  pages  describes  the  ways  in 
which  groups  of  churches  are  working  together  on  the  larger 
problems  of  the  Kingdom  of  God,  doing  those  things  together 
which  no  church  can  accomplish  alone.  It  is  a  volume  that 
should  be  in  the  hands  of  every  pastor  in  the  United  States 
and  also  in  the  hands  of  all  church  officials.  One  chapter 
deals  with  international  relations  and  church  responsibilities. 

A  Community  Committee.  Practically  every  large  town  or 
city  of  the  United  States  has  either  a  Ministers’  Union  or 
Association,  or  else  a  regularly  organized  Federation  or  Coun¬ 
cil  of  Churches.  If  the  churches  of  America  are  to  take  any 
serious  part  in  establishing  a  Warless  World,  these  local  groups 
of  pastors  and  Councils  of  churches  will  need  to  form  a  com¬ 
mittee  or  department  for  dealing  with  this  general  interest. 

Membership  of  the  Committee.  There  should  be,  so  far  as 
practicable,  at  least  one  representative  on  the  Committee  from 
each  communion.  The  members  should  be  men  and  women 
who  believe  in  constructive  policies,  both  educational  and  prac¬ 
tical.  The  members  should  be  outstanding  and  influential 
laymen,  women  and  pastors,  all  of  whom  know  how  to  work 
and  how  to  work  together.  The  executive  secretary  of  the  Coun¬ 
cil  of  churches  should  doubtless  be  a  member  ex-officio,  but 
probably  should  not  be  its  chairman  or  secretary. 

Activities  of  the  Committee.  1.  The  Committee  will  be  the 
point  of  communication  between  the  local  community  and  the 
national  organizations  that  seek  to  establish  a  Christian  world 
order.  All  efforts  to  reach  the  community  through  its  churches 
and  through  individuals  should  usually  function  through  this 
Committee,  which  should  be  considered  in  every  place  the  nu¬ 
cleus  for  carrying  on  the  education  in  behalf  of  a  better  world 
order  and  better  relationships  between  the  different  nations. 

2.  The  Committee  should  know  accurately  what  the  churches 
of  the  city  are  doing  in  the  education  of  their  membership  in 
Christian  internationalism. 

3.  The  Committee  should  consider  how  to  approach  those 
pastors  and  churches  that  are  doing  nothing;  also  how  it  can 
best  aid  those  that  are  at  work. 

4.  The  Committee  should  seek  to  secure  its  ends  with  a  mini¬ 
mum  of  machinery  and  a  maximum  of  efficiency. 


158  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


5.  Too  many  meetings  should  be  carefully  avoided. 

6.  Suitable  subcommittees  on  visitation  should  be  appointed 
to  present  to  the  pastor  and  officers  of  each  local  church  the 
principles  and  program  of  the  Committee  with  a  view  to  se¬ 
curing  their  intelligent  and  sympathetic  co-operation. 

7.  The  program  and  purpose  of  the  Committee  should  be 
presented  to  the  regular  ministers’  meeting  of  each  communion 
in  order  to  secure  their  understanding  of  the  proposals  and 
their  endorsement  of  the  general  plan. 

8.  The  Committee  should  have  an  executive  Secretary,  per¬ 
haps  some  young  man  or  woman,  who  would  give  considerable 
time  and  thought  to  its  work.  He  should  investigate  condi¬ 
tions,  keep  records,  guide  the  subcommittees  on  visitation,  and 
co-ordinate  the  activities  of  the  various  churches  in  the  com¬ 
munity. 

9.  The  Committee  should  foster  the  organization  of  study 
groups,  and  urge  the  use  of  some  constructive  course  of  study 
or  discussion  outline  each  year. 

10.  The  Committee  should  try  to  provide  at  least  one  course 
of  popular  lectures  annually,  open  to  the  public,  and  also  a 
series  of  sermons  in  the  different  churches.  When  possible  it 
should  publish  bulletins  and  in  other  ways  seek  to  make  the 
ideals  of  a  Christian  World  Order  vital  and  effective  in  the 
local  community. 

11.  The  Committee  might  well  seek  out  in  its  community 
one  or  more  groups  of  foreign  born  persons,  become  acquainted 
with  them  and  co-operate  with  existing  organizations  in  ex¬ 
tending  to  them  the  best  that  the  community  has  to  offer.  It 
should  seek  to  make  effective  such  programs  of  training  for 
citizenship  as  will  best  meet  the  local  needs,  so  that  these 
people  will  receive  from  the  community  what  America  would 
do  for  the  nation  from  which  they  came. 

Committees  in  Local  Churches.  A  real  difficulty  is  encoun¬ 
tered  when  it  is  proposed  to  establish  a  committee  in  every 
local  church.  The  tasks  of  the  local  church  are  many  and 
important.  There  is  a  constant  call  for  new  committees  for 
each  new  movement.  The  danger  is  lest  one  or  two  good 
causes  may  absorb  the  attention  and  interest  of  the  church 
to  the  neglect  of  other  causes  that  are  also  important.  More¬ 
over,  there  is  a  proper  solicitude  lest  the  multiplication  of  so¬ 
cieties  and  committees  distract  attention  and  divide  the  mem¬ 
bership  into  competing  groups. 

To  meet  these  difficulties  the  following  suggestion  is  offered: 
Let  the  church  Council  or  Ministerial  Association  establish 


APPENDIX  I 


159 


one  general  committee  on  Educational  Courses,  with  subcon- 
mittees,  such  as  those  on  Home  Missions,  Foreign  Missions, 
Social  Service,  Temperance,  International  Friendship,  etc. 
Each  department  might  be  given  from  three  to  six  weeks  each 
winter  for  its  series  of  meetings  and  classes.  Thus  the  entire 
church  membership  would  receive  the  needful  education  in  the 
full  program  of  the  church  militant  and  all  the  members  be 
prepared  to  do  their  share  in  each  great  task. 

Community  Normal  Classes.  A  community  normal  class  on 
Christian  internationalism  might  well  be  established. 

a.  The  leader  should  be  an  experienced  teacher. 

5.  The  object  of  the  normal  class  is  not  to  give  lectures 
on  internationalism  in  general,  but  to  train  teachers  in  Chris¬ 
tian  internationalism  and  in  methods  of  instruction  who  can 
conduct  classes  in  the  individual  churches  and  Sunday  Schools. 

c.  The  leader  should  be  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the 
Warless  World  literature. 

d.  Each  church  should  be  persuaded  if  possible  to  send  at 
least  two  of  its  members  to  attend  the  normal  class. 

e.  The  normal  class  course  should  probably  be  limited  to 
six  or  eight  weeks  at  most  (one  session  each  week)  and  might 
well  have  a  regular  enrollment  fee  of  $1  or  $2  to  provide  for 
textbooks  or  other  necessary  expenses. 

/.  The  study  of  Christian  internationalism  might  easily  be¬ 
come  pedantic,  abstract,  and  unprofitable.  Those  who  select 
the  courses  of  study  should  secure  textbooks,  and  teachers 
suited  to  their  particular  classes.  As  a  rule  the  courses  should 
be  short,  and  the  textbooks  simple  and  concrete.  As  courses 
are  continually  improved  from  year  to  year,  those  contemplat¬ 
ing  the  study  of  Christian  internationalism  should  secure  from 
headquarters  the  latest  information  as  to  the  courses  available. 

Intensive  Campaigns.  At  some  time  during  the  autumn  or 
winter  the  committee  might  well  conduct  a  two  days’  intensive 
campaign  consisting  of  four  or  five  meetings,  under  some  such 
general  topics  as  “The  New  Task  of  the  Church,”  “A  Chris¬ 
tian  World  Order,”  “The  New  Internationalism,”  “A  Warless 
World.” 

a.  Co-operation  of  all  the  denominations  and  churches 
should  be  secured  in  this  campaign. 

b.  Local  speakers  should  be  largely  utilized.  Occasionally 
one  or  two  speakers  of  national  repute  might  be  used. 

c.  A  chorus  of  young  people  would  add  to  the  effectiveness 
of  the  work. 

d.  A  pageant  might  be  given. 


160  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


e.  Suitable  literature  should  be  distributed  and  offered  for 
sale. 

/.  Decorations  should  include  all  national  flags. 

g.  Topics  of  lectures  might  well  be  the  Causes  of  a  Warring 
World,  The  Ideals  of  a  Warless  World,  Concrete  Programs  for 
Establishing  a  Warless  World,  the  League  of  Nations,  the 
Adequate  Protection  of  Aliens,  Immigration  and  Interna¬ 
tional  Relations,  Disarmament,  the  Oriental  Problem,  Rela¬ 
tions  with  Mexico  and  Latin  America,  Anglo-American  Friend¬ 
ship,  Franco- American  Relations,  Italy’s  International  Prob¬ 
lems,  etc. 

h.  Forum  discussions  and  debates  can  well  be  made  a 
prominent  feature. 


D.  What  Denominations  Can  Do 

The  churches  have  found  it  necessary  in  the  attainment  of 
a  larger  efficiency  to  establish  national  organizations.  A  prac¬ 
tical  program  for  international  righteousness  and  justice  re¬ 
quires  their  effective  co-operation  in  working  for  a  world  free 
from  war. 

Denominational  Committees .  Each  Communion  might  well 
create  a  Committee  or  Commission  or  Department  on  In¬ 
ternational  Good-Will.  It  should  include  a  dozen  or  more  of 
the  outstanding  leaders  in  the  church.  They  should  meet  not 
less  than  once  a  year  to  consider  with  great  care  the  inter¬ 
national  situation  and  the  international  program  of  their 
church  from  the  standpoint  of  the  Christian  ideal  of  a  Warless 
World.  Their  annual  message  to  their  church  should  be  as 
important  in  the  cultivation  of  public  interest  and  in  creating 
right  thought  on  these  matters  among  their  constituency  as 
are  the  reports  and  messages  of  the  other  church  agencies; 
Home  Missions;  Foreign  Missions;  Church  erection;  Christian 
Education  and  the  like.  In  some  cases  it  may  perhaps  be 
found  more  practicable  to  entrust  the  international  task  to 
some  already  existing  committee  or  department.  Care  will 
have  to  be  taken  in  that  event  not  to  allow  the  new  task 
to  be  neglected  because  of  the  regular  and  accustomed  duties. 
The  advantages  of  a  distinct  committee  with  its  own  distinc¬ 
tive  name  are  many  and  great. 

Denominational  Specialists.  Each  Communion  might  well 
set  apart  one  of  its  ablest  men  to  devote  his  entire  time  to 
specialize  on  international  questions.  It  would  be  possible  for 
such  a  man  to  speak  widely  in  all  its  churches  on  the  Causes 


APPENDIX  I 


161 


and  the  Cure  of  War  and  on  the  duty  of  individuals  and  of 
churches  in  doing  their  respective  parts  in  the  achievement  of 
a  Warless  World.  This  leader  would  be  the  spokesman  and 
active  representative  for  the  Committee  suggested  above.  Its 
decisions  and  programs  could  be  effectively  carried  out.  The 
rank  and  file  of  the  pastors  would  come  to  rely  on  his  expert 
knowledge,  and  the  people  would  be  prepared  to  act  on  specific 
matters  when  their  expert  leader  asks  for  such  action. 

A  General  Staff.  The  Committees  and  experts  of  the  various 
denominations  suggested  in  the  foregoing  paragraphs  might 
well  meet  from  time  to  time  for  mutual  information  and  in¬ 
spiration,  for  the  formulation  of  common  plans,  and  for  ar¬ 
rangements  for  their  simultaneous  execution  in  all  the  de¬ 
nominations  in  all  parts  of  our  land.  Unified  action  was  found 
absolutely  essential  in  the  “Great  War.”  The  same  principles 
hold  true  in  the  still  greater  war  ahead — the  real  war  to  end 
war.  These  experts  and  Committees  might  well  constitute  the 
“General  Staff”  of  the  Commission  on  International  Justice 
and  Good-Will  of  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of 
Christ  in  America. 

The  Religious  Press.  The  religious  press  of  each  denomina¬ 
tion  might  be  invited  to  reserve  a  section  of  each  issue  for  the 
publication  of  international  news,  the  material  for  which 
might  be  prepared  by  the  above  “General  Staff”  of  experts. 
This  material  being  thoroughly  reliable  would  protect  the  peo¬ 
ple  from  the  garbled  and  oftentimes  distorted  propaganda  ma¬ 
terial  fed  out  to  them  through  the  daily  press  under  the  di¬ 
rection  of  sinister  capitalistic  interests. 

The  Daily  Press.  The  importance  of  such  a  “General  Staff” 
of  Christian  experts  to  guide  the  opinion  and  action  of  the 
Christian  forces  of  the  United  States  that  desire  to  establish 
a  Warless  World  is  manifest  from  a  consideration  of  our 
situation  in  regard  to  international  news.  At  present  it  is 
powerfully  influenced  by  “big  business.”  The  information  that 
gets  to  the  public  through  the  press  is  seriously  garbled;  im¬ 
portant  facts  are  frequently  withheld;  events  are  partially  re¬ 
ported.  The  purpose  is  to  create  popular  opinion  that  will  not 
interfere  with  the  projects  of  “big  business”  and  “big  politics,” 
which  often  go  hand  in  hand.  These  are  the  factors  which 
produce  international  ill-will,  hostility  and,  finally,  war. 

Our  proposed  Christian  “General  Staff”  will  make  it  its 
special  business  to  know  the  facts,  and  to  get  those  facts  to 
the  pastors  and  the  churches  whether  the  commercial  press 
will  publish  them  or  not.  No  more  serious  difficulty  confronts 


162  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


all  workers  for  world  justice  and  world  peace  than  the  need 
for  an  absolutely  impartial  press.  We  do  not  have  it  now. 
We  have  a  capitalistic  press;  a  socialistic  press,  a  labor  press. 
Few  of  the  papers  apparently  are  free  to  tell  the  whole  truth 
and  nothing  but  the  truth.  Our  popular  judgments,  therefore, 
on  all  kinds  of  difficult  questions  are  based  on  inadequate 
knowledge,  often  even  on  sheer  fiction.  If  we  are  ever  to  solve 
these  difficult  problems,  to  have  right  judgments  and  secure 
right  actions,  we  must  emancipate  ourselves  from  the  control 
of  public  opinion  by  any  “interest.” 

The  Ballot  and  a  Warless  World.  America’s  national  life 
and  international  relations  will  not  be  Christian  until  millions 
of  Christians  use  their  ballot  to  elect  men  who  will  stand  for 
Christian  principles.  We  have  banished  the  saloon  from  Amer¬ 
ica  by  this  method.  We  must  now  banish  war  from  the  world. 
An  important  step  in  this  war  upon  war  would  be  for  City  Fed¬ 
erations  or  Councils  of  Churches  and  for  Ministerial  Associa¬ 
tions  to  ask  each  candidate  for  Congress  to  answer  specific 
questions  in  regard  to  his  principles  and  policies  as  bearing 
upon  international  relations,  and  then  to  let  all  pastors  and 
church  members  know  the  replies. 

In  closing  this  section  on  what  to  do  to  help  establish  a  War¬ 
less  World  notice  may  well  be  taken  of  the  charge  that  is 
sometimes  made  that  the  churches  have  done  nothing  in  the 
past  to  prevent  war,  or  even  to  register  their  condemnation  of 
war.  This  charge  is  not  true.  The  Friends  (Quakers),  both 
of  England  and  the  United  States,  from  the  very  beginning  of 
their  history  have  been  noted  for  their  testimony  against  war. 
So  powerful  has  been  their  conviction  as  to  the  wrong  and 
folly  of  the  whole  war  method  that  the  vast  majority  of  their 
membership  are  “conscientious  objectors.”  There  are  also 
other  small  Christian  bodies  which  take  the  same  unequivocal 
position. 

In  the  large  denominations,  also,  many  individuals  have 
raised  their  voices.  In  nearly  every  national  church  gathering 
in  the  United  States  during  the  decade  before  the  Great  War, 
resolutions  were  often  passed  condemning  war  and  rejecting  it 
as  a  means  for  settling  international  disputes.  The  principle 
of  arbitration  was  widely  advocated.  Millions  of  Christians 
earnestly  favored  the  proposals  of  the  Hague  Conference  (1899 
and  1907).  Under  the  pressure  of  Christian  opinion  in  America 
the  United  States  has  made  treaties  of  arbitration  with  many 
important  nations. 


APPENDIX  I 


163 


In  1905,  when  the  first  steps  were  being  taken  to  establish 
the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America,  one 
of  the  objects  affirmed  was  to  promote  the  cause  of  international 
peace.  When  the  Council  was  finally  established  (1908)  by  the 
ratifying  votes  of  thirty  different  denominations,  which  be¬ 
came  constituent  members,  at  the  first  meeting  of  the  Council 
a  Committee  on  Peace  and  Arbitration  was  created;  now  the 
Commission  on  International  Justice  and  Good-Will.  The 
Church  Peace  Union,  established  in  1913,  and  the  World  Al¬ 
liance  for  International  Friendship  through  the  Churches,  an 
international  body  created  in  1914,  having  Councils  now  (1922) 
in  twenty-six  countries,  bear  witness  to  the  rising  conviction 
of  Christians  in  various  lands  that  they  must  unite  in  the 
grapple  with  the  curse  of  war.  The  record  of  the  activities 
of  the  Commission,  with  those  of  the  Alliance  and  of  the  Church 
Peace  Union,  filled  three  volumes  of  the  Third  Quadrennial 
Report  of  the  Federal  Council  published  in  1916. 

In  the  autumn  of  1913  the  churches  of  Switzerland  issued  a 
clarion  call  and  warning  to  the  Christians  and  churches  of  the 
world.  Many  earnest  Christians  in  England  and  Germany  were 
bestirring  themselves.  For  several  years  between  1908  and  1912 
large  delegations  of  English  pastors  visited  Germany,  and 
German  pastors  visited  England  in  the  interest  of  promoting 
better  understandings  and  feelings  between  the  two  countries. 
It  was  the  churches  of  the  two  countries  that  were  really  try¬ 
ing  to  avert  the  threatening  war. 

During  and  since  the  Great  War  the  churches  of  Great 
Britain  and  America  have  been  manifesting  increasing  inter¬ 
est  in  the  problem  of  universal  peace.  The  powerful  League 
of  Nations  Union  in  England  is  largely  supported  by  the 
churches. 

In  the  United  States,  likewise,  not  a  little  is  being  done  by 
the  churches.  Their  interest  in  abolishing  war  was  manifest 
before  the  Washington  Conference  on  Limitation  of  Arma¬ 
ment.  And  it  was  particularly  effective  in  helping  to  create  a 
wholesome  public  opinion  that  made  that  Conference  a  success 
and  that  finally  secured  the  ratification  of  the  Treaties.  Let 
a  brief  summary  of  the  events  tell  the  story. 

The  churches  in  response  to  a  nation-wide  appeal  by  the 
Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America,  the 
National  Catholic  Welfare  Board  and  the  two  Jewish  National 
organizations  observed  Sunday,  June  6,  1921,  as  Disarmament 
Sunday,  when  tens  of  thousands  of  sermons  were  preached  upon 
this  question.  On  June  21,  1921,  a  monster  petition  was  pre- 


164  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


sented  to  President  Harding  signed  by  22,500  clergymen  asking 
him  to  call  a  conference  of  the  nations  to  reduce  the  navies  and 
to  put  an  end  to  competitive  navy  building  programs.  On  July 
10  he  issued  the  informal  invitations  and  on  August  11  the 
formal  invitations.  From  the  beginning  of  September  until 
the  ratification  of  the  treaties  in  May,  the  churches  evinced 
extraordinary  interest  in  the  success  of  the  Conference.  Scores 
of  thousands  of  special  meetings  were  held  and  sermons 
preached,  especially  during  Armistice  Week.  During  the  Con¬ 
ference  petitions  and  personal  letters  were  sent  to  Washington 
by  the  million.  Early  in  January,  1922,  official  information 
stated  that  11,135,187  persons  had  been  heard  from  and  that  of 
these  “more  than  10,000,000  stated  they  were  praying  for  God’s 
blessing  and  guidance  for  the  Conference.” 

The  Commission  on  International  Justice  and  Good-Will  of 
the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 
continued  from  September,  1921,  until  the  ratification  of  the 
Treaties,  its  campaign  of  education  for  a  “Warless  World,” 
issuing  a  series  of  pamphlets  and  leaflets  all  bearing  those  words 
in  the  title.  There  were  published  and  distributed  some  6,756,- 
000  pages  of  this  material  for  the  use  of  churches. 

It  is  not  altogether  true,  therefore,  that  until  the  war  came 
Christians  and  churches  were  doing  nothing  to  prevent  war. 
Their  activities  were,  indeed,  not  sufficient  to  prevent  the 
Great  War.  Many  Christians  were  apathetic.  The  great  mass 
of  the  people,  moreover,  took  no  interest  whatever  in  anti-war 
discussions  and  programs.  They  often  ridiculed  it.  They  did 
not  think  of  it  as  a  religious  question  at  all.  Until  after  the 
war  broke  out,  few,  even  in  the  churches,  ever  thought  of 
war  as  a  matter  in  which  churches  had  responsibility.  But  this 
state  of  mind  is  not  hard  to  understand  or  explain.  The  Chris¬ 
tian  gospel  has  for  centuries  been  understood  and  interpreted 
as  a  message  for  individuals  alone.  Individuals  are  to  be  saved 
from  sin,  reconciled  to  God,  prepared  for  Heaven.  That  the 
church  has  a  task  to  perform  in  saving  nations,  and  especially 
in  saving  nations  from  war,  is  a  very  recent  idea  that  is  only 
now  laying  hold  of  the  Church. 


APPENDIX  II 


DECLARATION  OF  RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES  OF 

NATIONS 

Adopted  by  the  American  Institute  of  International  Law 
at  its  First  Session  in  the  City  of  Washington,  January  6, 
1916. 

Whereas  the  municipal  law  of  civilized  nations  recognizes 
and  protects  the  right  to  life,  the  right  to  liberty,  the  right 
to  the  pursuit  of  happiness  as  added  by  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America,  the  right  to 
legal  equality,  the  right  to  property,  and  the  right  to  the 
enjoyment  of  the  aforesaid  rights;  and 

Whereas  these  fundamental  rights,  thus  universally  recog¬ 
nized,  create  a  duty  on  the  part  of  the  peoples  of  all  nations 
to  observe  them;  and 

Whereas  according  to  the  political  philosophy  of  the  Decla¬ 
ration  of  Independence  of  the  United  States,  and  the  universal 
practice  of  the  American  Republics,  nations  or  governments 
are  regarded  as  created  by  the  people,  deriving  their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,  and  are  instituted 
among  men  to  promote  their  safety  and  happiness  and  to  se¬ 
cure  to  the  people  the  enjoyment  of  their  fundamental  rights; 
and 

Whereas  the  nation  is  a  moral  or  juristic  person,  the  crea¬ 
ture  of  law,  and  subordinate  to  law  as  is  the  natural  person 
in  political  society;  and 

Whereas  we  deem  that  these  fundamental  rights  can  be 
stated  in  terms  of  international  law  and  applied  to  the  rela¬ 
tions  of  the  members  of  the  society  of  nations,  one  with  an¬ 
other,  just  as  they  have  been  applied  in  the  relations  of  the 
citizens  or  subjects  of  the  states  forming  the  society  of  nations; 
and 

Whereas  these  fundamental  rights  of  national  jurisprudence, 
namely,  the  right  to  life,  the  right  to  liberty,  the  right  to  the 
pursuit  of  happiness,  the  right  to  equality  before  the  law,  the 
right  to  property,  and  the  right  to  the  observance  thereof,  are, 
when  stated  in  terms  of  international  law,  the  right  of  the 
nation  to  exist  and  to  protect  and  to  conserve  its  existence; 

165 


166  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


the  right  of  independence  and  the  freedom  to  develop  itself 
without  interference  or  control  from  other  nations;  the  right 
of  equality  in  law  and  before  law;  the  right  to  territory  within 
defined  boundaries  and  to  exclusive  jurisdictions  therein;  and 
the  right  to  the  observance  of  these  fundamental  rights;  and 

Whereas  the  rights  and  the  duties  of  nations  are,  by  virtue 
of  membership  in  the  society  thereof,  to  be  exercised  and  per¬ 
formed  in  accordance  with  the  exigencies  of  their  mutual  in¬ 
terdependence  expressed  in  the  preamble  to  the  Convention 
for  the  Pacific  Settlement  of  International  Disputes  of  the 
First  and  Second  Hague  Peace  Conferences,  recognizing  the 
solidarity  which  unites  the  members  of  the  society  of  civilized 
nations;  it  should  therefore  be  universally  maintained  by  the 
nations  and  peoples  of  the  world,  that: 

I.  Every  nation  has  the  right  to  exist,  and  to  protect  and 
to  conserve  its  existence;  but  this  right  neither  implies  the 
right  nor  justifies  the  act  of  the  state  to  protect  itself  or  to 
conserve  its  existence  by  the  commission  of  unlawful  acts 
against  innocent  and  unoffending  states. 

II.  Every  nation  has  the  right  to  independence  in  the  sense 
that  it  has  a  right  to  the  pursuit  of  happiness  and  is  free  to 
develop  itself  without  interference  or  control  from  other  states, 
provided  that  in  so  doing  it  does  not  interfere  with  or  violate 
the  rights  of  other  states. 

III.  Every  nation  is  in  law  and  before  law  the  equal  of 
every  other  nation  belonging  to  the  society  of  nations,  and  all 
nations  have  the  right  to  claim  and,  according  to  the  Decla¬ 
ration  of  Independence  of  the  United  States,  “to  assume,  among 
the  powers  of  the  earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station  to  which 
the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature’s  God  entitle  them.” 

IY.  Every  nation  has  the  right  to  territory  within  defined 
boundaries  and  to  exercise  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  its  terri¬ 
tory,  and  all  persons,  whether  native  or  foreign,  found  therein. 

Y.  Every  nation  entitled  to  a  right  by  the  law  of  nations  is 
entitled  to  have  that  right  respected  and  protected  by  all  other 
nations,  for  right  and  duty  are  correlative,  and  the  right  of 
one  is  the  duty  of  all  to  observe. 

YI.  International  law  is  at  one  and  the  same  time  both  na¬ 
tional  and  international;  national  in  the  sense  that  it  is  the 
law  of  the  land  and  applicable  as  such  to  the  decision  of  all 
questions  involving  its  principles;  international  in  the  sense 
that  it  is  the  law  of  the  society  of  nations  and  applicable  as 
such  to  all  questions  between  and  among  the  members  of  the 
society  of  nations  involving  its  principles. 


APPENDIX  III 


STRIKING  QUOTATIONS 

“Selected  Quotations  on  Peace  and  War”  (Federal  Council 
of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America)  is  a  veritable  store¬ 
house  of  wisdom  and  inspiration.  Quotations,  classified  un¬ 
der  twelve  general  topics  and  ninety-six  subheads,  are  given 
from  nearly  two  hundred  writers  and  twice  that  number  of 
volumes.  They  constitute  the  cream  of  a  large  peace  library. 
This  volume  should  be  found  in  every  public  and  also  in  every 
Sunday-school  library.  It  should  likewise  be  possessed  and 
used  by  every  pastor.  It  was  published  in  1915  and  therefore 
does  not  refer  to  the  wealth  of  material  produced  during  the 
Great  War.  The  following  sentences  are  but  scattered  ex¬ 
amples  of  the  new  material  that  should  be  gathered  into  an¬ 
other  volume  of  “Selected  Quotations.” 

“A  day  will  come  when  bullets  and  bombs  shall  be  replaced 
by  ballots,  by  the  universal  suffrages  of  the  people,  by  the 
sacred  arbitrament  of  a  great  Sovereign  Senate,  which  shall 
be  to  Europe  what  Parliament  is  to  England,  what  the  Diet 
is  to  Germany,  what  the  Legislative  Assembly  is  to  France.  A 
day  will  come  when  a  cannon  shall  be  exhibited  in  our  mu¬ 
seums,  as  an  instrument  of  torture  is  now,  and  men  shall 
marvel  that  such  things  can  be. 

“A  day  will  come  when  we  shall  see  those  two  immense 
groups,  the  United  States  of  America  and  the  United  States  of 
Europe,  in  face  of  each  other,  extending  hand  to  hand  over  the 
ocean,  exchanging  their  products,  their  commerce,  their  in¬ 
dustry,  their  art;  their  genius  clearing  the  earth,  colonizing 
deserts,  and  ameliorating  creation  under  the  eye  of  the  Creator. 

“To  you  I  appeal,  French,  English,  Germans,  Russians, 
Slavs,  Europeans,  Americans,  what  have  we  to  do  to  hasten 
the  coming  of  the  great  day?  Love  one  another.” — Victor 
Hugo. 

“For  I  dipt  into  the  future,  far  as  human  eye  could  see, 

Saw  the  vision  of  the  world  and  all  the  wonder  that  would 

be: 


167 


168  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


Saw  the  heavens  fill  with  commerce,  argosies  of  magic  sails, 
Pilots  of  the  purple  twilight,  dropping  down  with  costly 
bales. 

“Heard  the  heavens  fill  with  shouting  and  there  rained  a  ghastly 
dew 

From  the  Nations’  airy  navies  grappling  in  the  central  blue; 
Far  along  the  world-wide  whisper  of  the  south  wind  rushing 
warm 

With  the  standards  of  the  peoples  plunging  through  the 
thunderstorm. 

“Till  the  war-drum  throbbed  no  longer  and  the  battle-flags  were 
furled 

In  the  Parliament  of  man,  the  Federation  of  the  World. 
Then  a  common  sense  of  most  shall  hold  a  fretful  realm  in 
awe. 

And  the  kindly  earth  shall  slumber  lapt  in  universal  law.” 

— Tennyson. 

“Ez  fer  war,  I  call  it  murder, — 

There  you  hev  it  plain  and  flat ; 

I  don’t  want  to  go  no  furder 
Than  my  Testyment  fer  that.” 

— Lowell. 

“The  tumult  and  the  shouting  dies; 

The  captains  and  the  kings  depart : 

Still  stands  Thine  ancient  sacrifice, 

An  humble  and  a  contrite  heart. 

Lord  God  of  Hosts,  be  with  us  yet, 

Lest  we  forget — lest  we  forget!” 

— Kipling. 

“If  my  soldiers  would  really  think,  not  one  of  them  would 
remain  in  the  ranks.” — Frederick  the  Great. 

“I  doubt  if  war  ever  really  settled  anything.  It  unsettles 
everything.” — Napoleon. 

“The  more  I  study  the  world,  the  more  am  I  convinced  of 
the  inability  of  brute  force  to  create  anything  durable.” — 
Napoleon. 

“The  lessons  of  the  last  six  months  should  be  enough  to  con¬ 
vince  everybody  of  the  danger  of  nations  striding  up  and  down 
the  earth  armed  to  the  teeth.  .  .  .  Unless  some  such  move  is 


APPENDIX  III 


169 


made  (reduction  of  armaments)  we  may  well  ask  ourselves  .  .  . 
whether  we  are  doomed  to  go  headlong  down  through  de¬ 
structive  war  and  darkness  into  barbarism.” — General  Persh¬ 
ing. 

“There  never  was  a  time  when,  in  my  opinion,  some  way 
could  not  be  found  to  prevent  the  drawing  of  the  sword.” — 
General  Grant. 

“If  the  clergymen  of  the  United  States  want  to  secure  a 
limitation  of  armaments,  they  can  do  it  now  without  further 
waste  of  time.  .  .  .  The  responsibility  is  entirely  on  the  pro¬ 
fessing  Christians  of  the  United  States.  If  another  war  like 
the  last  one  should  come,  they  will  be  responsible  for  every 
drop  of  blood  that  will  be  shed  and  for  every  dollar  wastefully 
expended.” — General  Bliss. 

“My  first  wish  is  to  see  this  plague  to  mankind  (war)  ban¬ 
ished  from  the  earth — to  see  the  whole  world  in  peace  and 
the  inhabitants  of  it  as  one  band  of  brothers  striving  who 
should  contribute  most  to  the  happiness  of  mankind.” — Wash¬ 
ington. 

“[Repeated  utterances  of  the  leading  statesmen  of  most  of 
the  great  nations  now  engaged  in  war  have  made  it  plain  that 
their  thought  has  come  to  this — that  the  principle  of  public 
right  must  henceforth  take  precedence  over  the  individual  in¬ 
terests  of  particular  nations,  and  that  the  nations  of  the  world 
must  in  some  way  band  themselves  together  to  see  that  right 
prevails  as  against  any  sort  of  selfish  aggression;  that  hence¬ 
forth  alliance  must  not  be  set  up  against  alliance,  under¬ 
standing  against  understanding,  but  that  there  must  be  a  com¬ 
mon  agreement  for  a  common  object,  and  that  at  the  heart  of 
that  common  object  must  lie  the  inviolable  rights  of  peoples 
and  of  mankind.” — Wilson. 

“We  are  at  the  beginning  of  an  age  in  which  it  will  be  in¬ 
sisted  that  the  same  standard  of  conduct  and  of  responsibility 
for  wrong  done  shall  be  observed  among  nations  and  their 
governments  that  are  observed  among  individual  citizens  of 
civilized  states.” — Wilson. 

“The  one  sure  way  to  recover  from  the  sorrow  and  ruin  and 
staggering  obligations  of  a  world  war  is  to  end  the  strife  in 
preparation  for  more  of  it,  and  turn  human  energies  to  the 
constructiveness  of  peace.” — Harding. 


170  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


“War  is  not  paid  for  in  war  time,  the  bill  comes  later.” — 
Benjamin  Franklin. 

“We  consider  that  the  independence  and  equal  rights  of  the 
smallest  and  weakest  member  of  the  family  of  nations  deserve 
as  much  respect  as  those  of  the  great  empires.  We  pretend  to 
no  rights,  privileges,  or  power  that  we  do  not  freely  concede  to 
each  of  the  American  Republics.” — Root. 

“Productive  labor  is  staggering  under  an  economic  burden 
too  heavy  to  be  borne  unless  the  present  vast  public  expendi¬ 
tures  are  greatly  reduced.  It  is  idle  to  look  for  stability  or 
the  assurance  of  social  justice  or  the  security  of  peace,  while 
wasteful  and  unproductive  outlays  deprive  effort  of  its  just 
reward,  and  defeat  the  reasonable  expectation  of  progress.  .  .  . 
There  can  be  no  final  assurance  of  the  peace  of  the  world  in 
the  absence  of  the  desire  for  peace,  and  the  prospect  of  reduced 
armaments  is  not  a  hopeful  one  unless  this  desire  finds  ex¬ 
pression  in  a  practical  effort  to  remove  causes  of  misunder¬ 
standing  and  to  seek  ground  for  agreement  as  to  princi¬ 
ples.” — Hughes. 

“The  only  wise  course  is  to  end  competitive  navy  building, 
not  for  one  year  or  five  years,  and  not  by  a  few  nations,  but 
for  all  time  by  all  nations.” — Daniels. 

“Peace  is  not  the  product  of  documents.  Peace  is  the 
product  of  good  will  among  men.” — Hoover. 

“From  the  standpoint  of  labor  it  is  more  constructive  to 
destroy  a  battleship  than  to  build  one.” — Gompers. 

“I  am  a  Wall  Street  man,  supposedly  conservative.  I  think 
I  am  conservative  in  my  underlying  instincts.  The  world 
has  tried  for  years  now  a  policy  of  timid  cautiousness  and  fear 
which  has  left  it  in  an  awful  mess.  How  would  it  be  if  the 
world  tried  a  policy  of  audacious  kindliness,  mercy  and  faith? 
I  say,  Let  us  throw  our  purse,  our  hearts  and  our  brains  open 
all  around,  mentally,  actually  and  morally,  and  what  will 
happen?  I  think  something  very  much  better  than  has  hap¬ 
pened  in  the  last  three  years.’  ” — Otto  Kahn. 

“Civilization  is  ultimately  dependent  on  the  ability  of  men 
to  co-operate.  The  best  barometer  of  civilization  is  the  desire 
and  ability  of  men  to  co-operate.  The  willingness  to  share 
with  others,  the  desire  to  work  with  others  is  the  great  con¬ 
tribution  which  Christianity  has  given  to  the  world.” — Babson. 


APPENDIX  III 


171 


“There  is  nothing  glorious  which  war  has  brought  forth  in 
human  nature  which  peace  may  not  produce  more  richly.” — 
Phillips  Brooks. 

“The  principle  of  unrestricted  competition  is  doomed.  It 
has  already  drenched  the  world  with  blood  and  it  is  today  filling 
every  country  with  envy,  hatred  and  strife.  We  must  learn  a 
new  word — co-operation.  The  new  world  order  will  be  built 
on  co-operative  effort.  Co-operation  is  the  life  of  trade  and 
when  business-men  adopt  it  as  the  only  sound  basis  of  com¬ 
mercial  life,  business  will  gain  a  vitality  and  prosperity 
hitherto  unknown.  Men  are  created  to  work  together  to  help 
one  another,  to  supplement  one  another’s  strengths ;  they 
multiply  their  power  by  linking  their  hands,  and  their  minds 
and  their  hearts.  In  the  new  world  order  the  competitive 
principle  will  be  held  in  strict  subordination  to  the  principle 
of  co-operation.” — Charles  E.  Jefferson. 

“No  strands  of  political  or  diplomatic  understanding  can  re¬ 
late  the  nations  inseparably.  .  .  .  The  tragic  need  of  the  world 
is  for  an  incarnation  of  a  universal  brotherly  love.  The  thing 
never  will  be  made  a  reality  except  by  incarnation,  by  such 
actual  functioning  of  the  Christian  Church  across  the  world 
as  will  utter  visibly  and  tangibly  to  men  the  spirit  of  a  uni¬ 
versal  trust  and  love.  ...  We  have  listened  entirely  too  long  to 
nonsense  regarding  chasms  run  across  humanity  that  can  never 
be  bridged.  ...  We  have  got  to  believe  that  nations  can  love 
one  another  even  across  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  the  Christian 
Church  must  set  herself  to  lead  in  that  affection  and  we  must 
not  content  ourselves  with  projecting  the  duty  into  the  distant 
future  or  looking  at  the  platform  that  lifts  it  beyond  the  level  of 
our  immediate  and  practical  duty.” — Robert  E.  Speer. 

“Disarmament  is  the  only  road  to  safety  for  the  human 
race.” — Lloyd  George. 

“Armed  peace  has  proved  itself  inevitable  war.” — A.  J.  Mc¬ 
Donald. 

“The  piling  up  of  armaments  is  causing  general  bankruptcy, 
anarchy  and  perpetual  and  universal  war.  If  governments  do 
not  agree  simultaneously  to  limit  armaments,  they  commit  sui¬ 
cide.” — Baron  d’Estournelles  de  Constant. 

“If  we  do  not  destroy  war,  war  will  destroy  us.” — Bryce. 


172  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


“The  most  effective  factor  in  getting  rid  of  armaments 
would  be  to  substitute  for  national  hatred  and  rivalries  a  sense 
of  the  brotherhood  of  nations  such  as  our  Lord  inculcated  upon 
individual  men.  The  idea  that  ‘we  are  all  members  one  of 
another’  needs  to  be  applied  to  peoples — Bryce. 

“The  illusion  that  war  is  a  school  of  character  is  dead.  The 
illusion  that  war  permanently  heightens  comradeship  within 
a  nation  is  dead.  War  as  a  means  to  anything  great,  noble  or 
precious,  beyond  its  own  immediate  object  of  escaping  violent 
conquest  by  others,  is  as  bankrupt  before  the  world  as  fire  or  < 
plague.  Its  casualties  to  both  winner  and  loser  are  seen  to 
be  not  merely  losses  in  life  and  limb  and  money,  but  losses  in 
character,  in  intellect,  in  every  part  of  civilization.” — The 
Manchester  Guardian. 

“We  were  not  born  into  the  world  to  hate.  We  were  born 
to  love  each  other.  Let  us  love.” — Fraulein  Steinitz. 

“What  we  mean  to  propose  is  a  general  Congress  of  nations. 

.  .  .  Such  a  Congress  and  such  a  League  are  the  only  means 
of  realizing  the  idea  of  a  true  public  law.” — Kant. 

“To  me,  and  to  all  men  of  English  speech,  wherever  they 
live  and  to  whatever  nation  they  belong,  it  seems  that  the 
international  future  of  our  race  lies  in,  as  far  as  possible, 
spreading  wide  the  grip  and  power  of  International  Law,  in 
the  raising  more  and  more  of  the  dignity  of  treaties  between 
States,  and  that  controversies  which  arise  between  govern¬ 
ments  (as  in  every  community  they  arise  between  different 
individuals)  should  be  settled  not  by  the  sword,  but  by  arbi¬ 
tration.” — Balfour. 

“There  is  a  growing  assumption  that  a  conflict  is  coming 
again  sooner  or  later.  That  is  the  business  of  the  Churches. 

.  .  .  Keep  your  eye  on  what  is  happening.  They  are  con¬ 
structing  more  terrible  machines  than  even  the  late  war  ever 
saw.  What  for?  Not  for  peace.  What  are  they  for?  They 
are  not  even  to  disperse  armies.  They  are  to  attack  cities 
unarmed,  where  you  have  defenseless  populations,  to  kill,  to 
maim,  to  poison,  to  mutilate,  to  burn  helpless  women  and  chil¬ 
dren.  If  the  Churches  of  Christ  throughout  Europe  and 
America  allow  that  to  fructify  they  had  better  close  their 
doors.  .  .  .  There  is  no  more  horrible  alternative  than  between 
devilish  machinery  of  slaughter  and  .  .  .  the  cause  of  right, 
liberty  and  humanity.  What  I  saw  of  war  day  by  day  makes 


APPENDIX  III 


173 


me  vow  that  I  will  consecrate  what  is  left  of  my  energies  to 
make  it  impossible  that  humanity  shall  in  future  have  to  pass 
through  the  fire,  the  torment,  the  sacrilege,  the  horror  and 
the  squalor  of  war.” — Lloyd  George.  ( From  an  address  to 
the  National  Free  Church  Council ,  London ,  July  28,  1922.) 

Give  the  children  a  true  idea  of  war  in  their  history  books 
and  the  next  generation  would  no  more  want  a  war  than  they 
would  want  an  earthquake .  — Zangwill. 

“Were  half  the  power  that  fills  the  world  with  terror, 

Were  half  the  wealth  bestowed  on  camps  and  courts, 

Given  to  redeem  the  human  mind  from  error. 

There  were  no  need  of  arsenals  or  forts. 

The  warrior’s  name  would  be  a  name  abhorred! 

And  every  nation  that  should  lift  again 
Its  hand  against  a  brother,  on  its  forehead 
Would  appear  forevermore  the  curse  of  Cain! 

“Down  the  dark  future,  through  long  generations, 

The  echoing  sounds  grow  fainter  and  then  cease; 

And  like  a  bell,  with  solemn,  sweet  vibrations, 

.  I  hear  once  more  the  voice  of  Christ  say,  ‘Peace!’ 

Peace!  and  no  longer  from  its  brazen  portals 

The  blast  of  war’s  great  organ  shakes  the  skies! 

But  beautiful  as  songs  of  the  immortals 
The  holy  melodies  of  love  arise.” 


Longfellow. 


APPENDIX  IV 


SUGGESTIVE  QUESTIONS  FOR  LEADERS  OF 
DISCUSSION  GROUPS 

The  following  Questions  have  been  prepared  for  those  who 
desire  to  avoid  the  monotony  of  the  usual  “textbook  recitation 
method7’  and  to  adopt  the  method  of  “group  thinking.”  In  this 
method  the  class  leader  is  neither  a  teacher  nor  a  lecturer,  but 
rather  a  “chairman.”  His  business  is  to  keep  the  discussion 
orderly  and  fruitful  as  the  class  seeks  to  think  through  the 
question  of  the  hour  and  to  reach  some  clear  conclusion,  as  a 
group,  in  the  light  of  their  common  knowledge  and  their  per¬ 
sonal  convictions.  This  knowledge  and  these  convictions  come 
to  light  by  the  discussion,  if  properly  guided. 

It  is  the  leader’s  business  to  see  that  the  discussion  keeps 
going,  does  not  get  snarled  up  in  details  or  sidetracked  on  irrele¬ 
vant  issues.  When  important  side  questions  appear  he  states 
the  new  fork  in  the  road  and  holds  back  on  that  line  till  the 
right  time  comes,  or,  if  followed,  he  sees  that  in  due  time  the 
class  returns  to  the  main  question.  He  seeks  to  prevent  the 
discussion  from  becoming  a  mere  debate  between  the  two 
contending  viewpoints  or  debaters.  At  suitable  points,  he  sum¬ 
marizes  the  results  reached,  distinguishing  between  conclu¬ 
sions  that  appear  to  be  unanimous  and  those  that  are  more 
or  less  variant. 

The  method  of  “group  thinking”  will  prove  more  interest¬ 
ing  to  the  class  than  the  recitation  method,  but  will  require 
more  preparation  on  the  part  of  the  leader.  The  class  will 
know  that  they  are  reaching  their  own  conclusions,  rather  than 
merely  accepting  those  handed  down  to  them.  This  method, 
therefore,  tends  to  develop  the  personality  of  the  individual 
members  and  to  generate  in  them  a  definiteness  and  a  depth 
of  conviction  in  regard  to  the  conclusions  reached  beyond  that 
which  can  ordinarily  be  secured  by  the  “recitation  method.” 

The  questions,  it  will  be  noted,  do  not  deal  with  chapters  but 
with  problems.  In  preparation  the  members  of  the  class  would 
do  well  to  read  the  entire  volume  through  before  its  first  ses¬ 
sion.  Profitable  participation  in  the  class,  however,  will  not 

174 


APPENDIX  IV 


175 


depend  on  any  specific  preparation.  The  leader  must,  of  course, 
be  thoroughly  prepared.  The  more  concrete  knowledge  the  in¬ 
dividual  members  may  have  of  war  and  peace,  of  economic  com¬ 
petition  and  co-operation,  of  national  policies  and  of  race 
feelings,  the  better.  But  the  success  of  the  discussions  will  not 
depend  on  the  specific  preliminary  study  of  any  given  few  pages 
of  the  text. 

The  leader  should  have  a  blackboard  available  on  which  to 
jot  down  in  brief  headings  and  suggestive  words  the  various 
points  made  by  the  members  in  response  to  the  successive  ques¬ 
tions.  This  will  keep  the  course  of  thought  over  which  the 
class  has  traveled  constantly  before  the  eye.  This  method  has 
great  value  in  fertilizing  and  stimulating  the  mind  of  each 
member  of  the  group. 

The  number  of  questions  suggested  is  much  larger  than  can 
be  dealt  with  in  a  single  study  period.  The  leader  will  have 
to  choose  those  topics  and  questions  that  promise  to  be  of 
largest  interest  and  profit  to  the  class.  Two  or  even  three 
sessions  of  the  class  might  perhaps  be  devoted  to  some  of  the 
topics. 

First  Topic 

Is  War  ever  legitimate ? 

1.  Define  “War”;  give  a  brief  preliminary  definition.  At 
the  close  of  the  discussion,  return  to  the  definition  and  ask  if 
it  needs  in  any  way  to  be  reworded. 

2.  Why  do  nations  arm  and  sometimes  fight?  Make  as  full 
a  list  as  the  class  can  of  the  reasons.  Are  any  of  these  rea¬ 
sons  legitimate  and  right?  Mark  them  with  a  star.  Is  it  easy 
to  distinguish  clearly  in  every  case  between  legitimate  and 
illegitimate  reasons  for  arming  and  for  war? 

3.  What  is  the  difference  between  offensive  and  defensive 
war?  Germany  asserted  that  she  was  really  on  the  defense 
when  she  invaded  Belgium.  Was  she?  Were  the  Allies  fight¬ 
ing  on  the  defensive  in  invading  Gallipoli?  Macedonia?  Was 
America  fighting  defensively  in  sending  her  army  to  France? 
To  Bussia  (Archangel)  ? 

4.  What  are  the  principal  differences  between  a  police 
force  and  a  military  force?  Make  a  list  of  the  points  of  differ¬ 
ence;  for  instance,  with  regard  to  purpose,  methods  of  opera¬ 
tion,  equipment,  places  of  action,  organization,  numbers,  etc. 
Is  an  army  nothing  more  than  an  enlarged  and  specially 
drilled  police  force? 


176  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


5.  Is  “civil  war,”  properly  speaking,  “war?”  What  are  the 
differences  and  the  resemblances? 

6.  Is  there  any  difference  between  soldiers  and  policemen 
in  their  respective  states  of  mind?  How  do  these  differences 
show  themselves  in  their  conduct  while  on  active  service? 

7.  What  are  the  mental  attitudes  toward  each  other  of  the 
peoples  that  are  at  war?  Make  a  list  of  the  ways  they  think 
and  feel  and  talk  about  each  other. 

8.  Do  any  good  and  noble  deeds  take  place  in  war?  Make 
two  lists  of  praiseworthy  deeds  and  spirit — one  of  those  char¬ 
acterizing  either  side  to  its  own  members,  the  other  of  noble 
deeds  done  by  one  side  to  members  of  the  other  side.  Do  you 
think  the  good  deeds  and  spirit  balance  the  evil? 

9.  Is  there  anything  in  the  teaching  of  Jesus  that  makes 
you  think  he  would  either  approve  or  disapprove  war?  Cite 
passages.  Do  you  think  he  would  condemn  all  war,  even  “legiti¬ 
mate”  and  “necessary”  war?  Do  you  think  Jesus  would  ap¬ 
prove  some  and  disapprove  others? 

10.  Is  the  killing  of  human  beings  the  wrong  thing  or  the 
worst  thing  about  war?  Make  a  list  of  the  wrong  things  that 
usually  happen  in  war.  Are  some  wrong  deeds  worse  than 
others  ?  Why  ? 

Conclusion.  Frame  a  brief  statement  upon  which  the  class 
agrees  of  the  circumstances  under  which  it  is  legitimate  for 
a  nation  to  wage  war.  In  case  of  lack  of  agreement,  summarize 
the  various  views. 


Second  Topic 

What  are  the  Alternatives  before  the  Nations ? 

During  all  past  history  nations  have  prepared  for  war  and 
have  waged  wars.  Many  distinguished  men  are  saying  that 
this  age-old  war-system  is  no  longer  possible;  that  we  must 
either  establish  a  Warless  World  or  we  shall  have  a  world  de¬ 
stroyed  by  war.  In  this  discussion  period  we  wish  to  consider 
if  this  is  a  real  alternative. 

1.  What  are  the  chief  differences  between  war  as  carried  on 
in  former  centuries  (Alexander,  Caesar,  Napoleon)  and  now 
(Foch)  ? 

a.  What  about  the  sizes  of  their  armies  ? 

b.  Their  means  of  locomotion? 

c.  Their  supplies  of  food? 

d.  Their  health  ? 


APPENDIX  IV 


177 


e.  Their  weapons  ? 

/.  The  co-operation  of  supporting  peoples  ? 

g.  Their  capacity  for  destruction? 

h.  Their  expense  ? 

2.  What  are  the  characteristics  of  modern  civilization  that 
cause  these  differences?  Does  the  printing  press  have  any¬ 
thing  to  do  with  it  ?  What  has  steam  power  to  do  with  it  ?  And 
electric  power?  Other  general  factors. 

3.  Do  you  think  China  can  acquire  the  technique  of  mod¬ 
ern  science?  And  of  Occidental  institutions  of  government? 
What  effect  do  you  think  that  will  have  on  the  fears  and  sus¬ 
picions  of  Europe  and  America?  And  how  will  those  mental 
attitudes  affect  international  diplomacy  and  international  al¬ 
liances?  And  preparations  for  war?  Will  it  make  for  world 
peace  or  for  world  war? 

4.  Has  or  has  not  man  completed  his  conquest  of  nature? 
If  not,  in  what  directions  do  you  expect  increasing  develop¬ 
ments?  Will  that  development  have  any  bearing  on  methods 
and  destructiveness  of  war?  Will  war,  being  waged  by  only  a 
few  men,  highly  specialized,  be  much  cheaper?  And  shorter? 

5.  Will  not  any  nation  stop  fighting  and  make  peace  with 
the  victor  before  being  completely  destroyed?  If  so,  what  is 
the  meaning  and  sense  of  saying  aa  warless  world  or  a  world 
destroyed  by  war  ?”  Is  this  a  mere  hysterical  utterance  ?  What 
meaning  does  it  have,  if  any  ? 

6.  Will  science  make  war  so  terrible  that  it  will  stop  war 
because  men  will  not  dare  to  fight?  Will  men  ever  be  scared 
into  the  abandonment  of  war?  Are  men  as  a  rule  cowards? 
Did  the  recent  war  give  any  light  on  this  question?  Is  science 
on  the  whole  a  blessing  or  a  curse?  If  men  can’t  be  scared 
into  stopping  war,  what  motives  are  there,  if  any,  that  will  lead 
them  to  end  war? 

7.  When  Jesus  said  that  they  who  take  the  sword  shall  perish 
by  the  sword,  was  he  thinking  of  individuals  or  of  nations? 
Is  it  true  that  every  individual  or  every  nation  that  appeals  to 
the  sword  is  destroyed  by  it?  If  not,  was  Jesus  Christ  mis¬ 
taken?  What  did  Jesus  mean?  Was  Jesus  considering  the 
alternatives  we  are  now  studying? 

8.  Is  the  recent  overthrow  of  Germany  an  illustration  of 
what  Jesus  meant  to  teach?  Does  the  defeat  of  Germany  prove 
that  she  was  the  one  that  appealed  to  the  sword — that  is  to  say, 
was  she  the  aggressor?  Was  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in 
70  a.d.  and  the  dispersal  of  the  Jews  an  illustration  of  what 
Jesus  meant? 


178  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


9.  If  it  is  not  literally  true  that  continuation  of  the  age- 
old  war  system  will  completely  destroy  the  world,  are  the  reasons 
for  its  abandonment  nevertheless  compelling  ?  What  are  they  ? 
Make  a  list. 

Conclusion.  Summarize  the  final  thought  of  the  class  as  to 
whether  or  not  the  nations  must  find  a  way  to  end  war  or 
themselves  be  utterly  ruined  by  war. 

Third  Topic 

Can  Race  Pride  and  Prejudice  be  Overcome ? 

Race  pride  and  prejudice  seem  to  be  universal  human  char¬ 
acteristics.  The  establishment  of  a  Warless  World  seems  to 
depend  upon  their  overthrow.  We  are  to  inquire  what  they  are, 
whether  they  are  ineradicable  and,  if  so,  how  they  can  be  over¬ 
come. 

1.  What  do  you  think  are  the  causes  of  race  pride  and 
prejudice?  Is  race  superiority  a  cause?  If  so,  why  does  every 
race  have  it?  Is  there  any  difference  between  race  pride  and 
race  prejudice? 

2.  Are  there  races  in  the  United  States  toward  which  the 
average  American  feels  instinctive  race  aversion?  Spontane¬ 
ous  race  prejudice?  Name  them.  What  is  the  evidence  that 
such  aversion  and  prejudice  exist?  (Nicknames?  Laws? 
Treatment?) 

3.  What  is  the  real  nature  of  race  prejudice?  Is  it  mere 
feeling?  Does  it  consist  of  judgments?  Is  it  a  mixture  of 
both?  Is  it  based  on  knowledge  or  on  ignorance?  Is  it  sub¬ 
conscious?  Inherited?  Do  children  feel  it? 

4.  To  what  kind  of  conduct  does  race  prejudice  lead?  How 
has  race  prejudice  led  Americans  to  treat  the  Chinese?  Japa¬ 
nese?  Mexicans?  Negroes?  American  Indians?  Do  all 
Americans  feel  and  act  the  same  way  about  these  various 
races  ? 

5.  Can  we  distinguish  between  race-pride  and  race-preju¬ 
dice,  approving  the  former  and  condemning  the  latter?  If  so, 
in  what  respects?  Are  the  principal  consequences  of  race- 
pride  valuable  and  is  the  feeling  therefore  to  be  cherished? 

6.  In  what  teachings  did  Jesus  deal  with  race  prejudice? 
(Luke  4:  24-27;  10:  25-37).  Did  He  agree  with  and  accept 
the  race  prejudices  of  His  people?  If  not,  did  He  merely 
casually  disagree  or  did  He  vigorously  oppose  them?  Do  you 
think  that  Jesus  intended  His  disciples  to  be  free  from  race- 
prejudice?  Can  you  find  any  passages  to  show  what  Jesus 


APPENDIX  IV 


179 


thought  about  races  as  superior  or  inferior?  (Cf.  Matt.  25: 
31-46;  10:5-7;  Mark  7:24-30;  Matt.  28:19-20;  Matt.  8: 
5-13.) 

7.  What  do  you  think  enabled  Jesus  to  transcend  the  race 
prejudice  of  His  people?  Did  His  disciples  immediately  ac¬ 
cept  Jesus’  viewpoint  and  were  they  transformed  by  His  spirit? 
Are  modern  Christians  Christian  in  this  respect? 

8.  Do  you  remember  what  happened  to  Peter  to  change  his 
race  prejudice?  (Acts  10:  34.)  Was  he  immediately  and  com¬ 
pletely  converted  on  the  race  question?  (Gal.  2:  11-21.) 

9.  What  do  you  think  of  the  logic  of  Paul’s  discussion  of 
the  race  question  in  Rom.  1 :  16 — 11 :  36.  Cf.  especially  Rom. 
10:  12. 

10.  What  were  the  elements  in  the  Gospel  as  preached  by 
Paul  that  made  Christianity  the  faith  of  many  nations? 

11.  How  does  the  modern  foreign  missionary  movement  af¬ 
fect  the  natural  tendencies  to  race  pride  and  prejudice?  Do 
you  know  any  Japanese  or  Chinese  or  Hindus  personally? 
Have  you  noticed  any  change  in  your  feelings  toward  those 
races  since  you  became  a  personal  friend  of  one  member  of 
the  race? 

12.  Has  any  race  a  right  to  claim  intrinsic  superiority 
over  all  other  races  ?  If  so,  which  ?  On  what  basis  ? 

13.  How  far  has  the  Christian  confidence  in  the  substantial 
equality  of  the  races  been  justified? 

14.  Are  certain  races  backward  because  of  inherent  defeat 
of  gray  matter  or  because  of  poor  opportunities? 

15.  Are  race  riots  due  exclusively  to  race  prejudice  or  to 
other  causes?  List  the  various  causes.  What  is  the  duty  of 
a  Christian  who  finds  himself  in  the  midst  of  a  race  riot? 
How  should  he  proceed?  Would  you  advise  him  to  get  out 
of  the  region  as  fast  as  possible?  Or  to  arm  himself  and  pitch 
in  to  fight  both  sides  and  stop  the  fighting  by  force?  Or 
should  he  do  something  else  ?  What  ? 

16.  How  can  race  prejudice  be  overcome?  Suggest  prac¬ 
tical  procedures. 

17.  Can  a  Christian  be  thoroughly  Christian  and  also  thor¬ 
oughly  patriotic?  Is  patriotism  a  kind  of  race  prejudice?  If 
not,  why?  If  so,  why? 

18.  If  race  prejudice  is  overcome  and  a  thoroughly  Chris¬ 
tian  relation  is  established  between  members  of  different  races, 
does  that  necessarily  imply  that  there  should  be  free  social 
intercourse,  ignoring  race  differences  and  advocating  amalga¬ 
mation?  In  either  case,  why?  Does  universal  human  brother- 


180  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


hood  imply  and  necessitate  in  the  end  only  one  race  of  men? 
If  not,  why? 

19.  Must  race  pride  and  prejudice  be  completely  eradi¬ 
cated  from  a  race  or  people  before  it  can  treat  an  alien  race  with 
real  and  full  justice?  For  instance,  must  the  white  race  in 
the  United  States  be  quite  free  from  prejudice  before  it  can  be 
just  to  Indians,  Japanese,  Chinese,  Negroes  and  the  rest? 

20.  Must  race  pride  and  prejudice  among  the  principal 
races  be  completely  overcome  before  a  warless  world  becomes 
practicable?  Is  progress  in  this  matter  to  be  achieved  suddenly 
— by  a  leap — by  a  miracle?  Or  slowly,  by  a  spiral?  Why  do 
you  think  so  in  either  case? 

Conclusion.  Summarize  the  opinion  or  opinions  of  the  class 
as  to  whether  or  not  there  is  hope  that  illegitimate  race  pride 
and  harmful  race  ignorance  and  prejudice  will  ever  be  finally 
overcome. 


Fourth  Topic 

Do  Nations  and  Peoples  have  Inherent  Rights ? 

There  are  today  sixty  or  more  separate  nations  or  states, 
each  having  its  own  independent  “sovereign”  government. 
Many  of  these  nations  or  empires  contain  within  them  groups 
of  peoples,  minorities  of  various  kinds,  who  have  become  sub¬ 
merged  as  a  result  of  conflicts  and  defeats  of  past  ages.  War 
is  the  conflict  between  governmentally  independent  peoples, 
whether  of  the  same  or  of  different  races.  Those  who  sincerely 
desire  a  warless  world  must  consider  the  rights  of  nations  and 
states  and  also  of  submerged  peoples. 

1.  Define  a  state  or  sovereign  nation.  Is  it  merely  a  physi¬ 
cal  entity,  possessing  a  certain  territory  and  a  definite  popu¬ 
lation?  Or  is  it  essentially  a  psychological  and  moral  entity? 
Beside  territory  and  population  and  a  single  government  what 
other  elements  enter  in  to  make  it  a  nation  or  state?  (E.g.,  lan¬ 
guage,  history,  customs  ?)  Make  a  list  of  the  elements. 

2.  Make  a  list  of  the  inherent  rights  of  sovereign  nations. 

3.  Does  the  basis  of  those  rights  rest  merely  in  the  power  of 
each  state  to  establish  by  force  their  observance  by  other  na¬ 
tions,  or  does  it  rest  in  something  else?  If  the  latter,  in  what? 

4.  Does  a  State  or  nation  have  a  soul,  a  mental  and  a 
moral  being  and  life  independent  of  the  individuals  that  com¬ 
pose  its  population?  If  so,  where  is  it  located?  Of  what 
does  it  consist?  If  not,  is  not  a  “nation”  a  mere  abstraction — 


APPENDIX  IV 


181 


a  convenient  name  or  label  by  which  to  think  of  millions  of 
people  having  certain  similarities? 

5.  If  a  nation  does  not  have  a  soul,  can  it  do  wrong?  Can 
wrong  be  done  to  it  by  other  nations?  Was  it  wrong,  for  in¬ 
stance,  for  Japan  to  annex  Korea?  Why?  Was  it  wrong  for 
the  United  States  to  annex  Hawaii?  The  Philippines?  Pan¬ 
ama?  To  occupy  Haiti  since  1915?  Was  Germany  morally 
wrong  as  well  as  politically  stupid  to  invade  Belgium?  Why? 

6.  Are  the  moral  laws  which  govern  the  life  of  nations  iden¬ 
tical  with  those  for  individuals?  Is  truthfulness  one  of  them? 
Or  generosity?  Make  a  list  of  those  laws.  Is  there  any  moral 
law  applying  to  individuals  that  does  not  apply  to  a  nation? 

7.  If  there  are  national  rights,  are  there  national  duties? 
Make  a  list?  Does  the  United  States  have  any  duty  to  Eu¬ 
rope?  To  France?  What?  Did  the  years  when  France  fought 
and  suffered  before  America  entered  the  war  create  any  obli¬ 
gations  which  America  has  still  to  fulfill?  What  do  you  think 
America  should  do  about  the  money  lent  to  the  European 
Allies  ? 

8.  Do  treaties  create  international  rights  and  duties?  Do 
nations  have  any  rights  or  duties  before  treaties  are  made? 
What  are  they?  Is  violation  of  a  treaty  ever  justifiable?  If 
certain  treaties  bring  harm  to  a  nation,  may  not  the  nation 
rightly  violate  them? 

9.  What  do  you  think  of  the  refusal  of  the  United  States 
to  keep  her  treaty  with  Korea?  Of  the  violation  since  1888 
of  her  treaty  with  China?  Of  the  resolution  of  the  Senate 
(still  at  this  writing  before  the  House)  to  violate  the  Hay- 
Pauncefote  treaty  about  the  Panama  Canal? 

10.  What  is  it  in  modern  civilization  that  tends  to  make 
the  relations  of  strong  nations  toward  weak  and  backward 
nations  immoral? 

11.  Can  a  people  with  a  democratic  government  control  its 
international  relations,  and  keep  them  moral?  How? 

12.  Are  nations  subject  to  God’s  immutable  moral  laws? 
Is  your  belief  on  this  point  only  a  matter  of  faith?  Or  is  it 
supported  by  sound  historical  evidence?  Is  the  disaster  that 
has  overtaken  Germany  the  result  of  moral  delinquency?  Or 
merely  of  the  more  powerful  forces  of  the  Allies?  Is  the  dis¬ 
aster  that  overtook  France  in  the  World  War,  or  Great  Britain, 
or  Russia,  the  result  of  moral  delinquency?  Show  the  con¬ 
nection  between  moral  wrong  doing  of  a  nation  and  disaster. 

13.  Have  the  submerged  minorities  in  the  nations  of  Eu¬ 
rope  inherent  rights  which  the  dominant  majorities  are  morally 


182  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


bound  to  observe?  Make  a  list  of  those  rights.  (For  in¬ 
stance,  Germans  under  France,  Italy  and  Poland;  Hungarians 
under  Roumania;  Greeks  and  Armenians  under  Turkey;  Turks 
under  Greece  and  Bulgaria;  Irish  and  Indians  under  British, 
etc.) 

14.  Does  the  United  States  have  any  corresponding  prob¬ 
lems  and  duties?  (Filipinos,  Porto  Ricans?  Chinese?  Japa¬ 
nese  ?  Haitians  ?  Indians  ?  Alaskans  ?  Immigrants  gener¬ 
ally  ?) 

15.  Does  the  answer  of  Jesus  to  James  and  John  given  in 
Matt.  20:  20-28  throw  any  light  on  the  way  in  which  rulers 
and  those  in  positions  of  power  should  deal  with  those  de¬ 
pendent  upon  them?  Does  this  teaching  of  Jesus  apply  only  to 
individuals,  or  also  to  nations?  Does  this  throw  any  light  on 
what  America  should  do?  What? 

Conclusion.  Summarize  briefly  the  decision  of  the  class  as 
to  a  nation’s  inalienable  rights  and  inescapable  duties. 

Fifth  Topic 

What  Constitutes  Fair  and  Just  Treatment  of  Aliens? 

It  is  easy  to  declare  one’s  acceptance  of  just  and  generous 
ideals  in  the  abstract.  Quite  a  different  matter  is  it  when 
one  comes  to  concrete  questions.  Every  one  wishes  to  be 
good,  but  even  good  people  often  find  it  exceedingly  difficult 
to  know  just  what  the  goodwill  requires  in  particular  circum¬ 
stances  and  under  specific  conditions.  Let  us  consider  two 
definite  problems. 

I.  Immigration. 

1.  Does  every  person  of  every  people  or  race  have  an  in¬ 
alienable  right  to  go  anywhere  he  may  desire?  Does  inter¬ 
ference  with  that  desire  constitute  unjust  and  unfair  treat¬ 
ment?  In  ancient  Russia,  Japan  and  many  countries,  no  per¬ 
son  had  any  rights  of  travel  whatever.  Was  that  unjust? 
Why? 

2.  Can  a  general  principle  be  stated  in  regard  to  the 
rights  of  an  individual  to  travel?  Why  are  slavery,  serfdom, 
and  peonage,  unjust  invasions  of  a  person’s  liberty?  How  do 
you  think  President  King  would  answer  this  question  ? 

3.  Can  a  general  principle  be  stated,  justifying  the  act  of 
a  government  in  preventing  or  limiting  the  travel  of  its  sub¬ 
jects? 

4.  Can  a  general  principle  be  stated  justifying  one  people 
or  nation  in  refusing  permission  to  persons  of  another  people 


APPENDIX  IY 


183 


or  race  to  settle  in  or  even  enter  their  territory?  Is  America 
morally  right  in  excluding  absolutely  from  our  land  certain 
classes  of  aliens  (the  dangerously  diseased,  flagrantly  im¬ 
moral,  violently  radical  and  wholly  illiterate)  ?  On  what 
moral  principles  can  that  exclusion  be  justified? 

5.  Can  we  morally  justify  exclusion  of  would-be  immi¬ 
grants,  otherwise  without  objection,  on  exclusively  economic 
grounds?  In  spite  of  the  economic  distress  of  Europe  are  we 
morally  right  in  excluding  strong,  healthy,  morally  sound  and 
properly  educated  immigrants,  merely  because  by  their  coming 
in  large  numbers  the  prevailing  American  standards  of  living 
and  wages  may  be  reduced?  Does  such  exclusion  conflict  with 
the  Christian  principle  of  universal  human  brotherhood?  Can 
the  two  principles  be  reconciled? 

6.  Can  the  complete  refusal  to  Chinese,  Japanese,  and 
Hindus  of  privileges  of  immigration  be  justified  in  the  light 
of  their  swarming  populations  with  inferior  resources,  while 
in  the  United  States  are  vast  areas  of  uncultivated  land  and 
undeveloped  resources?  Does  the  marked  difference  of  race 
affect  the  logic  and  the  moral  aspect  of  these  questions  ?  How  ? 

7.  Would  the  military  power  of  China  (when  duly  de¬ 
veloped)  to  seize  and  annex  our  continent  make  such  action 
right,  in  view  of  the  larger  number  of  Chinese  to  be  served? 
Were  Europeans  justified  in  taking  this  continent  away  from 
the  American  Indians  because  of  their  superior  numbers  and 
military  power  and  ability  to  develop  and  to  use  its  natural 
resources?  Can  Americans  fairly  and  honorably  meet  Japa¬ 
nese  and  Chinese  arguments  on  this  matter?  Can  we  com¬ 
pletely  exclude  them  from  America  on  thoroughly  Christian 
principles  ? 

II.  Resident  Aliens 

8.  Can  we  or  can  we  not  justify  discriminatory  laws  af¬ 
fecting  aliens  lawfully  in  the  U.  S.?  What  valid  reason  is 
there  for  denying  to  aliens  in  Pennsylvania  the  right  to  own 
a  dog?  Or  in  Illinois,  the  right  to  become  a  barber?  How 
about  the  discriminatory  income  tax  laws,  for  instance?  Why 
do  legislators  propose  and  legislatures  enact  such  discrimina¬ 
tory  and  humiliating  laws? 

9.  If  you  were  a  Chinese  permanently  living  in  America 
what  would  you  think  of  our  claim  to  be  a  just  and  high- 
minded  nation?  If  a  Japanese  were  to  ask  you  what  a  Chris- 
tion  nation  is,  what  would  you  say  to  him  ? 

10.  What  are  the  laws  against  which  Japanese  and  Chi¬ 
nese  complain?  Do  you  really  know  what  our  Asiatic  prob- 


184  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


lem  is,  or  have  you  uncritically  accepted  whatever  the  daily 
papers  report  about  Asiatics? 

11.  Is  one  justified  in  believing1  whatever  the  newspapers 
say  about  the  Chinese  and  Japanese?  If  not,  why  not?  How 
much  is  one  justified  in  believing? 

12.  What  kinds  of  things  should  Americans  do  for  aliens 
to  help  them  secure  justice  and  fair  opportunity  in  this  coun¬ 
try?  In  general  does  the  prosperity  of  aliens  interfere  with 
that  of  citizens?  If  so,  why? 

13.  Are  the  laws  of  many  states  justifiable  which  forbid 
the  employment  of  aliens  on  any  job  the  funds  for  which  are 
derived  from  taxes  ?  Where  should  the  line  be  drawn  between 
state  employment  of  citizens  and  aliens?  On  what  principle? 

14.  Does  the  kind  of  treatment  given  to  aliens  in  any 
country  have  any  effect  on  international  relations,  beneficial 
or  otherwise  ?  Illustrate. 

Conclusion.  Summarize  the  thought  of  the  class  as  to: 

a.  The  rights  of  individuals  to  migrate. 

b.  The  right  of  a  people  to  regulate  or  stop  immigration 
into  their  territory. 

c.  The  intrinsic  rights  of  lawfully  resident  aliens  in  a 
foreign  land. 


Sixth  Topic 

Can  the  Economic  Causes  of  War  be  Eliminated  or  Controlled? 

Many  students  declare  that  wars  are  due  to  the  rivalry  of 
nations  for  the  control  of  economic  privileges.  This  phase  of 
the  question  demands  careful  consideration  by  those  who  pur¬ 
pose  to  establish  a  warless  world.  Before  considering  methods 
of  eliminating  economic  causes  of  war,  the  nature  of  eco¬ 
nomic  rivalry  between  nations  must  be  studied.  Take  some 
concrete  cases. 

1.  What  were  the  economic  results  of  the  Franco-Prussian 
War  (1870) — to  France?  To  Germany?  Beside  the  economic 
results,  what  were  the  political  results?  What  results  were 
produced  in  the  international  thinking  of  the  German  nation? 
Of  the  French  nation? 

2.  What  were  the  economic  causes  of  the  Russo-Japanese 
War?  What  did  Russia  want?  What  did  Japan  want?  What 
were  the  economic  consequences  of  that  war — to  Russia?  to 
Japan?  What  political  and  psychological  results  followed? 

3.  What  ambitions  did  Austria-Hungary  have  in  precipi- 


APPENDIX  IV 


185 


tating  the  Great  War?  What  have  been  the  economic  and 
political  consequences  to  Austria? 

4.  What  were  Germany’s  ambitions  in  helping  precipitate 
the  Great  War?  List  the  various  items  (in  Belgium;  France; 
Balkans;  Turkey;  Mesopotamia;  Africa)?  Were  the  economic 
consequences  what  she  expected?  Briefly  describe  them. 

5.  In  entering  the  war,  what  were  the  chief  French  pur¬ 
poses?  What  have  been  the  chief  economic  results  to  France 
(the  expenses;  Alsace-Lorraine;  North  France;  annexed  Ger¬ 
man  Colonies)  ? 

6.  In  your  opinion,  were  British  motives  in  entering  the 
war  economic  or  altruistic?  Can  you  strike  a  balance?  What 
are  the  economic  results  of  the  War  for  Great  Britain? 

7.  In  entering  the  War,  did  economic  motives  influence 
Canada?  Australia?  South  Africa?  India?  If  so,  in  each 
case  what  was  it?  • 

8.  Did  Russia  have  economic  motives  in  entering  the  war? 
What  seem  to  be  her  economic  gains  or  losses? 

9.  In  considering  the  economic  causes  and  consequences 
of  the  war  what  are  we  to  think  of  Italy’s  conduct  ?  Her  losses 
and  gains  ?  What  about  Bulgaria  ?  Roumania  ?  Greece  ?  Tur¬ 
key?  Japan?  China? 

10.  And  what  about  the  U.  S.?  Were  we  altogether  altru¬ 
istic  in  entering  the  Great  War — having  no  thought  of  self- 
interest?  What  have  been  its  economic  consequences  to  us? 

11.  What  were  the  economic  considerations  and  factors  that 
had  weight  in  the  calling,  in  the  proceedings  and  in  the  results 
of  the  Washington  Conference  on  Limitation  of  Armament? 
Did  economic  or  political  or  moral  considerations  have  chief 
weight  at  that  conference? 

12.  Does  an  entire  nation  as  such  ordinarily  have  passionate 
interest  in  its  economic  opportunities  in  foreign  lands?  If 
not,  who  feel  those  interests?  Do  the  recent  items  of  infor¬ 
mation  given  out  by  the  press  as  to  the  competition  for  oil 
rights  by  different  interests  in  different  lands,  throw  any  light 
on  this  whole  question  of  national  possession  of  foreign  eco¬ 
nomic  “rights”  and  privileges? 

13.  Does  the  press  have  any  part  to  play  in  promoting  the 
war  spirit  in  each  nation  by  cultivating  patriotism  in  con¬ 
nection  with  economic  “needs”  and  “rights”  overseas?  Can 
you  illustrate  by  recent  news  as  to  alleged  American  and  Japa¬ 
nese  economic  rivalry  in  China?  Siberia? 

14.  Are  all  Americans  vitally  interested  in  the  American 
Merchant  Marine?  If  not,  who  are  especially  interested  in  it? 


186  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


Is  that  interest  patriotic  or  economic?  Have  you  evidence  for 
your  opinion? 

15.  Who  are  interested  in  high  tariff  schedules  ?  What  effect 
does  a  high  or  a  “low”  tariff  have  on  a  nation’s  international 
psychological  relations?  Does  it  have  that  effect  through  po¬ 
litical  or  economic  consequences? 

16.  In  the  light  of  the  foregoing  considerations  and  dis¬ 
cussions  is  the  elimination  of  the  economic  causes  that  tend  to 
produce  war  possible  or  practicable? 

17.  What  do  you  think  of  the  following  suggestions  as  ways 
for  eliminating  dangers  of  war: 

a.  Special  tariff  and  trade  concessions  and  agreements 
between  otherwise  competing  nations?  E.g.  America 
and  Japan? 

b.  Universal  free  trade — tariff  for  revenue  only? 

c.  International  Trusts  and  Corporations,  thus  binding 
the  capitalists  of  different  countries  together  in  com¬ 
mon  interests  and  preventing  their  rivalry? 

d.  Universal  international  agreements  of  Governments  to 
submit  every  international  dispute,  not  otherwise  solv¬ 
able,  to  the  Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice, 
or  to  Boards  of  Arbitration  and  Conciliation,  with 
pledges  to  accept  decisions? 

e.  Socialistic  or  other  plans  for  the  overthrow  of  the 
entire  capitalistic  system  in  each  country? 

/.  International  organizations  of  labor  bound  by  the  gen¬ 
eral  pledge  not  to  fight? 

g.  International  organization  of  Christians  and  churches 
pledged  to  absolute  pacifism? 

h.  Popular  control  and  overthrow  of  capitalistic  monopo¬ 
lies  in  every  country? 

i.  Control  of  the  press,  freeing  it  from  domination  by 
and  subservience  to  capitalistic  interests? 

Indicate  in  the  case  of  each  proposal  what  seem  to  you  its 
advantages  and  its  weaknesses. 

Conclusion.  Summarize  the  opinions  of  the  class  as  to  the 
possibility  and  practicability  of  finally  eliminating  the  eco¬ 
nomic  factor  as  a  cause  of  war. 

Seventh  Topic 

Is  a  Warless  World  Desirable ? 

Some  declare  that  a  Warless  World,  even  though  possible,  is 
not  really  desirable.  Let  us  try  to  think  out  what  a  really 


APPENDIX  IV 


187 


Warless  World  would  be  like,  and  contrast  it  with  the  world 
that  is  surely  coming  if  lavish  preparations  for  war  and  occa¬ 
sional  war  are  to  continue. 

1.  What  in  your  opinion  would  the  disadvantages  probably 
be  of  a  really  Warless  World?  List  the  chief  points — Physi¬ 
cal?  Economic?  Civilizational  ?  Moral?  Spiritual? 

2.  In  contrast  to  the  probable  or  possible  disadvantages  of 
a  Warless  World  what  in  your  opinion  would  the  advantages 
probably  be? 

3.  Do  you  see  any  relation  or  contrast  between  Jesus’  ideal 
of  the  “Kingdom  of  God”  and  the  civilizational  ideal  of  a 
Warless  World?  If  so,  what?  To  what  degree  will  reason 
rule?  What  will  be  its  achievements  in  mastering  nature?  in 
educating  the  entire  human  race?  in  developing  natural  re¬ 
sources?  in  banishing  poverty?  in  overcoming  the  inequalities 
of  existing  societies  and  races?  and  in  banishing  race  preju¬ 
dice?  Does  preparedness  for  war  and  occasional  war  help  or 
hinder  these  achievements?  Why?  How? 

Conclusion.  Does  the  class  have  any  real  doubt  concerning 
the  desirability  of  a  Warless  World? 


Eighth  Topic 

Is  a  Warless  World  Practicable? 

Even  though  a  Warless  World  may  be  regarded  as  supremely 
desirable,  an  imperative  necessity;  even  though  the  alterna¬ 
tive  may  be  believed  to  be  the  literal  extermination  of  mankind, 
it  does  not  follow  that  its  achievement  may  be  practicable.  The 
obstacles  in  the  way  may  be  in  fact  insuperable.  This  point 
therefore  needs  careful  study. 

1.  What  are  the  psychological  obstacles  to  a  Warless  World, 
the  mutual  mental  attitudes  of  nations  and  races?  What  mu¬ 
tual  attitudes  must  be  developed?  List  the  two  kinds  of  atti¬ 
tudes  in  parallel  columns. 

2.  Can  hostile  attitudes  be  changed  into  a  friendly  atti¬ 
tude?  How?  Cite  some  illustrations. 

3.  How  long  does  it  take  to  generate  a  new  national  atti¬ 
tude  of  mind?  What  recent  war  propaganda  illustrates  this 
point?  What  suggestion  comes  from  the  fact  of  a  well-nigh 
universal  press  and  reading  millions? 

4.  Beside  good-will  and  high  moral  ideals  what  other  things 
are  necessary  for  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  a 
Warless  World?  What  light  does  the  modern  traffic  officer 


188  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


throw  on  the  need  of  official  and  authoritative  international 
leadership  ? 

5.  What  are  the  chief  civil  institutions  by  which  peace  be¬ 
tween  individuals  has  been  secured  in  gradually  enlarging  areas 
and  between  increasing  millions?  Has  the  attainment  of  per¬ 
sonal  security,  liberty  and  justice  been  increased  or  diminished 
by  these  institutions? 

6.  Do  you  think  the  extension  of  these  institutions  to  cover 
the  relations  of  nations  with  nations  would  result  in  promoting 
security,  liberty  and  justice  for  them  also?  If  not,  why?  If 
so,  why? 

7.  What  effect  do  you  think  the  universal  establishment  of 
these  institutions  would  have  on  the  mental  and  moral  atti¬ 
tudes  of  the  nations  toward  each  other  ?  Why  ? 

8.  In  the  light  of  the  considerations  thus  far  discussed,  do 
you  regard  the  demand  for  a  Warless  World  a  fantastic  dream, 
or  a  really  practicable  ideal? 

9.  What  can  individual  Americans  do  to  help  set  up  the 
institutions  and  to  help  create  the  feelings  and  understandings, 
that  will  ultimately  result  in  a  Warless  World?  List  the 
various  activities  as  concretely  as  possible. 

Conclusion.  Summarize  the  opinion  or  opinions  of  the  class 
as  to  whether  or  not  there  is  a  practical  program  for  the 
abolition  of  war  and  the  establishment  on  firm  foundations  of 
a  Warless  World. 


Ninth  Topic 

Can  a  True  Christian  Participate  in  War f 

Not  a  few  persons  maintain  that  a  real  Christian  fully  con¬ 
trolled  by  the  ideals  and  spirit  of  Jesus  can  not  take  part  in 
war.  What  does  the  group  think  on  this  subject,  after  care¬ 
fully  considering  the  various  facts  and  principles  involved? 
Under  this  head  we  approach  from  a  somewhat  different  stand¬ 
point  and  carry  somewhat  further  the  discussion  begun  under 
our  First  Topic. 

1.  What  was  the  teaching  of  Jesus  as  to  resistance  to 
evil?  And  the  use  of  the  sword?  (Refer  to  conclusions 
reached  in  considering  the  First  Topic.)  Was  His  teaching 
absolute  and  universal?  Did  He  intend  it  to  apply  to  nations 
as  well  as  to  individuals  ?  If  there  are  limiting  principles, 
what  are  they  ?  Can  they  be  clearly  stated  ? 

2.  As  between  either  individuals  or  nations  does  mere 
might  ever  create  right?  If  the  question  of  right  is  entirely 


APPENDIX  IV 


189 


and  absolutely  distinct  from  that  of  might,  can  any  question 
ever  be  settled  right  by  war?  How  does  this  principle  affect 
the  use  of  force  by  the  police?  If  a  Christian  may  not  be  a 
“soldier,”  may  he  be  a  policeman?  Why? 

3.  May  a  Christian  participate  in  war  if  he  judges  the  war 
to  be  legitimate  and  necessary?  Should  a  “conscientious  ob¬ 
jector”  refuse  to  pay  taxes? 

4.  What  obligations,  if  any,  does  an  individual  have  to  the 
State?  Can  it  properly  require  him  to  render  any  given  serv¬ 
ice?  Can  it  require  him  to  do  what  he  regards  as  personally 
wrong?  List  the  rights  and  duties  of  an  individual  in  his  re¬ 
lations  to  the  State.  What  are  the  limits,  if  any,  of  the  rights 
of  a  State  in  dealing  with  an  individual?  How  far  may  it 
tax  him?  May  it  take  over  all  his  property? 

5.  Is  a  deed  right  when  done  in  obedience  to  or  for  the 
good  of  the  State  which  would  be  wrong  if  done  by  a  man  for 
his  own  advantage?  Is  this  a  correct  statement  of  the  dilemma 
which  faces  all  soldiers  and  many  statesmen  and  politicians? 

Conclusion.  In  the  opinion  of  the  class,  must  all  true 
Christians  be  thorough-going  “pacifists”  and  “conscientious  ob¬ 
jectors”  ?  Summarize  the  judgments  of  the  class. 


APPENDIX  Y 


SOCIETIES  AND  ORGANIZATION S  IN  THE  UNITED 
STATES  PROMOTING  INTERNATIONAL  UNDER¬ 
STANDING  AND  GOOD-WILL 

Alliance  Frangaise,  32  Nassau  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

American  Association  for  International  Conciliation,  407  West 
117th  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

American  Association  for  International  Co-operation,  105  East 
22nd  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

American  Association  of  University  Women,  Smith  College, 
Northampton,  Mass. 

American  Committee  for  the  Outlawry  of  War,  76  West  Mon¬ 
roe  Street,  Chicago,  Ill. 

American  Peace  Society,  612  Colorado  Building,  Washington, 
D.  C. 

American- Scandinavian  Foundation,  25  West  45th  Street, 
New  York,  N.  Y. 

American  School  Citizenship  League,  405  Marlboro  Street, 
Boston,  Mass. 

American  Union  Against  Militarism,  203  Westory  Building, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Armenia- America  Society,  289  Fourth  Avenue,  New  York, 
N.  Y. 

Association  to  Abolish  War,  14  Roanoke  Avenue,  Jamaica 
Plains,  Mass. 

Carnegie  Foundation  for  International  Peace,  2  Jackson  Place, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

China  Society  of  America,  19  West  44th  Street,  New  York, 
N.  Y. 

Church  Peace  Union,  70  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Commission  on  International  Justice  and  Good-Will  of  the 
Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America, 
105  East  22nd  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Committee  for  International  Reduction  of  Armament,  101 
Tremont  Street,  Boston,  Mass. 

190 


APPENDIX  V 


191 


Committee  on  Educational  Publicity  in  the  Interests  of  World 
Peace,  287  Fourth  Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  National  Education  Asso¬ 
ciation,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Council  on  Foreign  Relations,  25  West  43rd  Street,  New  York, 
N.  Y. 

Disarmament  Education  Committee,  3421  Lowell  Street  N.  W., 
Washington,  D.  C. 

English-Speaking  Union,  6  East  45th  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Fellowship  of  Reconciliation,  396  Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Foreign  Policy  Association,  3  West  29th  Street,  New  York, 
N.  Y. 

France- America  Society,  40  Wall  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Friends  of  Belgium,  32  Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Institute  of  International  Education,  419  West  117th  Street, 
New  York,  N.  Y. 

International  Cosmopolitan  Club,  2929  Broadway,  New  York, 
N.  Y. 

International  Federation  of  University  Women,  925  Park  Ave¬ 
nue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

International  Free  Trade  League,  38  St.  Botolph  Street,  Bos¬ 
ton,  Mass. 

International  Goodwill  Association,  147  Kent  St.,  St.  Paul, 
Minn. 

International  Reform  Bureau,  206  Pennsylvania  Ave.,  S.E., 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Interparliamentary  Union,  American  Group,  613  Colorado 
Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Italy-America  Society,  26  West  44th  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Japan  Society,  25  West  43rd  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

League  for  Political  Education,  113  West  43rd  Street,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

League  of  Nations  News  Bureau,  2702  Woolworth  Building, 
New  York,  N.  Y. 

League  of  Nations  Union,  70  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

National  Committee  on  American  Japanese  Relations,  287 
Fourth  Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

National  Council  for  Reduction  of  Armaments,  532  17th 
Street,  N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


192  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


National  Council  of  Women,  Committee  on  Permanent  Peace, 
19  Euston  Street,  Brookline,  Mass. 

National  League  of  Women  Voters,  532  17th  Street,  N.  W., 
Washington,  D.  C. 

National  Reform  Association,  209  9th  Street,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

National  Student  Forum,  2929  Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Netherlands- Am  erica  Foundation,  311  Sixth  Avenue,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

New  York  Peace  Society,  70  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Pacific  Palisades  Association,  403  S.  Hill  Street,  Los  Angeles, 
Calif. 

Pan-American  Union,  17th  Street,  N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Pan-Pacific  Association,  Honolulu,  T.  H. 

Peace  Association  of  Friends  in  America,  Richmond,  Indiana. 

Peace  Association  of  Friends,  20  S.  Twelfth  Street,  Philadel¬ 
phia,  Pa. 

Peace  Committee  of  Philadelphia  Yearly  Meeting  of  the  Re¬ 
ligious  Society  of  Friends,  304  Arch  Street,  Philadelphia, 
Pa. 

Poland- America  Society,  40  West  40th  Street,  New  York, 
N.  Y. 

Society  of  the  Friends  of  Roumania,  450  Madison  Avenue,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

Society  to  Eliminate  the  Economic  Causes  of  War,  Wellesley 
College,  Wellesley,  Mass. 

Sulgrave  Institution,  Wool  worth  Building,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Woman’s  Christian  Temperance  Union,  Peace  Department, 
Evanston,  Ill. 

Woman’s  Committee  for  World  Disarmament,  717  Woodward 
Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Woman’s  Peace  Party,  116  South  Michigan  Street,  Chicago, 

in. 

Woman’s  Pro-League  Council,  303  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York, 
N.  Y. 

Women’s  International  League  for  Peace  and  Freedom,  Chi¬ 
cago,  Ill. 

Women’s  Peace  Society,  525  Park  Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

World  Alliance  for  International  Friendship  Through  the 
Churches,  70  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

World  Friendship  Information  Bureau,  1010  Arts  Building, 
Chicago,  Ill. 

World  Peace  Foundation,  40  Mt.  Vernon  Street,  Boston,  Mass. 


APPENDIX  Y 


193 


Young  Men’s  Christian  Association,  347  Madison  Avenue,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

Young  Women’s  Christian  Association,  600  Lexington  Avenue, 
New  York,  N.  Y. 


APPENDIX  VI 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

One  of  the  by-products  of  the  Great  War  has  been  a  flood  of 
books  and  magazine  articles.  They  vary  greatly  in  viewpoint 
and  value.  The  following  brief  list  is  selected  with  a  view  to 
the  needs  of  those  in  our  churches  who  are  likely  to  make  use 
of  the  Suggestive  Questions  in  this  Appendix  as  a  basis  for 
discussion  and  “group  thinking.’’  Each  member  of  such  a 
group  might  be  asked  to  secure  from  the  library  and  look 
through  for  the  benefit  of  the  class  three  or  four  of  these  vol¬ 
umes.  The  order  is  chronological. 

A.  The  Christian’s  Attitude  Toward  War 

“What  Makes  a  Nation  Great?”  (120  pp.),  Frederick  Lynch, 
1914. 

“Christ  or  Napoleon”  (96  pp.),  Peter  Ainslie,  1915. 

“The  Higher  Patriotism”  (72  pp.),  John  Grier  Hibben,  1915. 
“Is  Christianity  Practicable?”  (240  pp.),  Wm.  Adams  Brown, 
1916. 

“The  World  and  the  Gospel”  (222  pp.),  J.  H.  Oldham,  1916. 
“What  the  War  Is  Teaching”  (218  pp.),  Chas.  E.  Jefferson, 
1916. 

“The  Challenge  of  the  Present  Crisis”  (99  pp.),  Harry  Emer¬ 
son  Fosdick,  1917. 

“The  Christian  Man,  the  Church  and  the  War”  (105  pp.), 
Robert  E.  Speer,  1918. 

“Religion  and  War”  (188  pp.),  W.  H.  P.  Faunce,  1918. 

“The  Missionary  Outlook  in  the  Light  of  the  War”  (330  pp.). 
Committee  on  the  War  and  the  Religious  Outlook,  1920. 
“Christ  and  International  Life”  (150  pp.),  Edith  Picton-Tu- 
berville,  1922. 

“The  Sword  or  the  Cross”  (61  pp.),  Kirby  Page,  1922. 

B.  Valuable  Compilations  and  Quotations 

“Selected  Quotations  on  Peace  and  War”  (540  pp.).  Federal 
Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America,  1915. 

194 


APPENDIX  VI 


195 


“America’s  Stake  in  the  Far  East”  (165  pp.),  Chas.  H.  Fahs, 
1920. 

“America’s  Stake  in  Europe”  (186  pp.),  Chas.  H.  Fahs,  1921. 

“Handbook  on  Disarmament”  (320  pp.),  Mary  K.  Reiley,  1921. 

C.  The  Causes,  the  Results  and  the  Cure  of  War 

“The  Great  Illusion”  (416  pp.),  Norman  Angell,  1913. 

“The  War  of  Steel  and  Gold”  (320  pp.),  H.  N.  Brailsford,  1914. 

“The  Stakes  of  Diplomacy”  (235  pp.),  Walter  Lippman,  1915. 

“Social  Progress  and  the  Darwinian  Theory”  (415  pp.).  Geo. 
W.  Nasmyth,  1916. 

“A  Straight  Deal  or  an  Ancient  Grudge”  (287  pp.),  Owen 
Wister,  1920. 

“Causes  of  International  War”  (110  pp.),  G.  Lowes  Dickin¬ 
son,  1920. 

“Direct  and  Indirect  Costs  of  the  War”  (250  pp.),  E.  L.  Bo¬ 
gart,  1920. 

“Now  It  Can  Be  Told”  (400  pp.),  Sir  Philip  Gibbs,  1920. 

“The  A.  B.  C.  of  Disarmament”  (122  pp.),  Arthur  Bullard, 
1921 

“The  Folly  of  Nations”  (405  pp.),  Frederick  Palmer,  1921. 

“The  Fruits  of  Victory”  (335  pp.),  Norman  Angell,  1921. 

“The  Next  War”  (161  pp.),  Will  Irwin,  1921. 

“The  Staggering  Burden  of  Armament”  (60  pp.),  World  Peace 
Foundation,  1921. 

“International  Relations”  (260  pp.),  James  Bryce,  1921. 

“Cross  Currents  in  Europe  Today”  (250  pp.),  Chas.  A.  Beard, 
1922. 

“Introduction  to  the  Study  of  International  Organization”  (647 
pp.),  P.  P.  Potter,  1922. 

“Public  Opinion”  (427  pp.),  Walter  Lippman,  1922. 

D.  On  International  Co-operation 

“Essay  on  a  Congress  of  Nations  (1840)”  (161  pp.),  Wm.  Ladd, 
reprinted  with  an  introduction  by  Dr.  James  Brown  Scott, 
1916. 

“The  Federation  of  the  World”  (228  pp.),  Benjamin  F.  True- 
blood,  1899. 

“The  Two  Hague  Conferences”  (516  pp.),  Prof.  Wm.  I.  Hull, 
1908. 

“Towards  International  Government”  (212  pp.),  J.  A.  Hobson, 
1915. 


196  CHRISTIAN  CRUSADE  FOR  A  WARLESS  WORLD 


“The  Great  Solution”  (169  pp.),  Henri  LaFontaine,  1916. 
“International  Government”  (410  pp.),  L.  S.  Woolf,  1916. 

“A  League  of  Nations,”  2  Yols.  (137  pp.  and  140  pp.),  Theodore 
Marburg,  1917  and  1918. 

“The  League  of  Nations  at  Work”  (215  pp.),  Arthur  Sweetser, 

1920. 

“Entente  Diplomacy  and  the  World”  (762  pp.),  Siebert  & 
Schreiner,  1921. 

‘League  of  Nations  Year  Book”  (440  pp.),  Chas.  H.  Levermore, 
1922. 

“The  History  and  Nature  of  International  Relations”  (299 
pp.),  E.  A.  Walsh,  1922. 

E.  Far  Eastern  Problems 
The  Far  East  as  a  Whole 

“The  New  Map  of  Asia”  (525  pp.),  H.  A.  Gibbons,  1921. 
“China,  Japan  and  Korea”  (325  pp.),  J.  O.  P.  Bland,  1921. 
“Problems  of  the  Pacific  and  the  Far  East”  (20  pp.),  Sidney 
L.  Gulick,  1922. 

“The  Rising  Temper  of  the  East”  (247  pp.),  Frazier  Hunt, 
1922. 

“Russia  in  the  Far  East”  (181  pp.),  L.  Pasvolsky,  1922. 

“Asia  at  the  Crossroads”  (369  pp.),  E.  Alexander  Powell,  1922. 

China 

“The  Development  of  China”  (290  pp.),  K.  S.  Latourette,  1917. 
“Foreign  Financial  Control  in  China”  (295  pp.),  T.  W.  Over¬ 
lack,  1919. 

“Foreign  Rights  and  Interests  in  China”  (594  pp.),  Prof.  W. 
W.  Willoughby,  1920. 

“China,  Captive  or  Free”  (310  pp.),  Gilbert  Reid,  1921. 
“China’s  Place  in  the  Sun”  (212  pp.),  Stanley  High,  1922. 

Japan 

“The  Development  of  Japan”  (225  pp.),  K.  S.  Latourette,  1918. 
“Japan  and  World  Peace”  (196  pp.),  K.  K.  Kawakami,  1919. 
“Must  We  Fight  Japan?”  (536  pp.),  W.  B.  Pitkin,  1921. 

“What  Japan  Thinks”  (237  pp.),  K.  K.  Kawakami,  1921. 
“What  Japan  Wants”  (154  pp.),  Y.  S.  Kuno,  1921. 

“What  Shall  I  Think  of  Japan?”  (285  pp.),  George  Gleason, 

1921. 


APPENDIX  YI 


197 


“Japanese- American  Relations”  (207  pp.),  Hon  Iichiro  Toku- 
tomi,  1922. 

Korea 

“The  Mastery  of  the  Far  East  (Japan  and  Korea)”  (670  pp.), 
Arthur  J.  Brown,  1919. 

“The  Oriental  Policy  of  the  United  States”  (306  pp.),  Henry 
Chung,  1919. 

“The  Rebirth  of  Korea”  (272  pp.),  Hugh  H.  Cynn,  1920. 

“The  Case  of  Korea”  (365  pp.),  Henry  Chung,  1921. 

The  California  Japanese  Question 

“California  and  the  Japanese”  (231  pp.),  California  State 
Board  of  Control,  1920. 

“Immigration  (Japanese)”  (232  pp.),  Annals,  American  Acad¬ 
emy  of  Social  and  Political  Science,  Jan.,  1921. 

“The  American  Japanese  Problem”  (339  pp.),  Sidney  L.  Gu- 
lick,  1914. 

“American  Democracy  and  Asiatic  Citizenship”  (257  pp.),  Sid¬ 
ney  L.  Gulick,  1918. 

“Japan  and  the  California  Question”  (250  pp.),  T.  Iyenaga, 
1921. 

“The  Real  Japanese  Question”  (269  pp.),  K.  K.  Kawakami, 
1921. 

“Should  Congress  Enact  Special  Laws  Affecting  Japanese?” 
(96  pp.),  Sidney  L.  Gulick,  1922. 

The  Washington  Conference  and  the  Far  East 

“Japan  and  the  Far  East  Washington  Conference”  (95  pp.), 

Henry  "W" 

“China  at  the  Conference”  (419  pp.),  W.  W.  Willoughby,  1922. 

“Chinese  Japanese  Conversations  at  Washington  on  the  Shan¬ 
tung  Question”  (396  pp.).  Official  Minutes,  1922. 

“Japan’s  Pacific  Policy”  (373  pp.),  K.  K.  Kawakami,  1922. 


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